1652117503 As journalist Anna Politkovskaya wrote in 2004 Putin doesnt like

As journalist Anna Politkovskaya wrote in 2004: “Putin doesn’t like people. He sees us as a mere means”

Russian journalist Anna Politkovskaya, investigative reporter and author.  She was murdered in 2006. Russian journalist Anna Politkovskaya, investigative reporter and author. She was murdered in 2006. NOVAÏA GAZETA

In 2004, Anna Politkovskaïa, a journalist for Novaya Gazeta, wrote a book entitled Putin’s Russia. It was published immediately in English and translated fairly quickly into most European languages, most notably in France by Buchet-Chastel in 2005. Anna Politkovskaïa gives a comprehensive portrait of Vladimir Poutine.

It was a warning to the whole world, but it went unheeded. We didn’t want to hear it. Two years later, on October 7, 2006, Putin’s birthday, she was assassinated. We publish here an excerpt from this book.

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Document. For a long time I wondered what provoked my violent revolt against Putin. Why did I take it so badly that I wrote a book. But I’m not his opponent or his political opponent, I’m just a citizen living in Russia. I’m only a 45-year-old Muscovite, so I knew the Soviet Union at the height of its communist decadence in the 1970s and 1980s, and I didn’t have to do anything to find myself here at any time…

I finished my book on May 6th, 2004, exactly on May 6th. It’s all over tomorrow. The March 14 elections did not lead to the miracle of contesting their results; the opposition accepted everything and submitted. That’s why tomorrow is the inauguration day of Putin II, who was elected President by a crazy majority of his fellow citizens’ votes – more than 70%; and even if we subtract 20% of the votes added by fraud, there is enough for the presidency in Russia.

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There are only a few hours until May 7, 2004, and Putin, that typical Soviet KGB lieutenant colonel, with provincial narrow eyes, typical of a lieutenant colonel, with the nondescript aspect of a lieutenant colonel, who could not even rise to the rank of rank Colonels, resentful of the behavior of a Soviet intelligence officer, accustomed to spying on his own comrades (no political opponent, no party not keeping up with Putin was invited to the investiture ceremony), this little being like an Akaki Akakievich, from Gogols A coat, [ce personnage insignifiant] will ascend… to the throne.

apathy of society

The Great Throne of Russia. Brezhnev did not suit us. Andropov struck us as bloodthirsty, albeit with a euphemism for democracy. Chernenko was stupid. Gorbachev didn’t like that. From time to time Yeltsin forced us to sign for fear of the consequences of his decisions … And here is the result. Tomorrow, May 7, that bodyguard of the twenty-fifth squadron, whose place is in the chain that holds back the crowd as the procession of the great of this world passes by, that Akaki Akakievich Putin, will walk the red carpets of the throne rooms of the Kremlin. As if he were really the master. We will see the royal gold sparkling all around, the valets will smile slavishly, the companions, all the young KGB officers who have received their important posts under Putin, the companions will stand to attention…

(…)

Soviet revenge became evident with the arrival and takeover of Putin. Let’s admit that this was not only because of our carelessness and the apathy caused by the fatigue of our eternal revolutions. It happened amid the cries of welcome from the West. First by Silvio Berlusconi [président du Conseil italien], Putin’s quasi-lover and main advocate in Europe. But also Tony Blair [le premier ministre britannique]Gerhard Schröder [le chancelier allemand]Jacques Chirac [le chef de l’Etat français]without forgetting son Bush [le président des Etats-Unis]. There was no obstacle in front of our chekist’s entrance [surnom toujours donné aux agents de la police politique ; anciennement Tchéka de 1917 à 1922] in the Kremlin. Neither the West. Also no significant opposition in the country.

(…)

Small digression: no longer talking about Putin, but about us, the Russian public. The pro-Putin people, the people who push him forward, who have an interest in his taking the throne a second time, the people who now make up the government of the president who, in effect, runs the country and not the government (just carrying out the President’s will) nor Parliament (making the laws the President wants), these people pay close attention to the public’s reaction. It’s wrong to think they don’t care.

And to be clear: the people responsible for everything that happens are us. We first. not Putin. Our stance toward Putin, who cynically taunts Russia, our stance limited to “kitchen gossip,” has allowed Putin to transform the country unhindered over the past four years. Society’s apathy is immeasurable. And for Putin it is an indulgence for the next four years. We have responded to his actions and speeches not only with weakness but also with fear. And this fear, which is ours, we showed to the chekists who are rooted in power. And that only increased their desire to treat us like cattle.

criminal character

The KGB only respects the strong, it devours the weak. Isn’t it for us to know? And yet, for the most part, we were weak and devastated. For the Soviet Chekist, our fear is honey. There is no better gift for him than to see the crowd tremble as he bends to his will. (…) Putin has publicly shown more than once that he fundamentally does not understand what a discussion is. Above all, a political discussion. According to Putin, a subordinate should not argue with his superior. A subordinate who allows himself this is an enemy.

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Putin is not acting this way on purpose, not because he is a born tyrant or despot. He was raised that way. He was taught that by the KGB, and he believes the system is ideal, which he has said publicly on more than one occasion. Therefore, as soon as we disagree with him, Putin categorically demands to “stop the hysteria”. This explains his dislike of pre-election debates; it’s not in his element, he can’t, he doesn’t know how to conduct a dialogue. It is strictly a “monologue”. Under the military model, one must remain silent while one is a subordinate, but once one is a superior, one can settle for monologues, and all “subordinates” must pretend to agree. A kind of ideological turbidity that sometimes turns, as happened with Khodorkovsky [l’ancien fondateur et PDG de la compagnie pétrolière Ioukos a été emprisonné dix ans à partir de 2003]physical destruction or expulsion).

(…)

tragic situations

Why didn’t I like Putin? ‘Cause the years go by This summer marks five years of the second Chechen war, which began with Putin becoming president for the first time. And we can’t see the end. (…) NONE of the child murders that have taken place during the bombing and purges since 1999 have been solved, the killers have not taken their place in the dock. Putin has never called for an investigation, although it is said that he loves children (…) Why didn’t I like Putin? For all of that. Because of his criminal nature. For his cynicism. his racism. For eternal war. for the lie For the gas leaked in the hall of the Dubrovka Theater [en octobre 2002, la prise d’otages à Moscou par un commando islamiste tchétchène s’achève avec l’emploi d’un gaz mortel par les forces russes] who killed so many people [130 personnes]. For all the innocent people killed during his first term. Deaths we could very well have done without. (…)

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After inadvertently acquiring enormous power, Putin threw it away with disastrous consequences for Russia. I don’t like him because he doesn’t like people. He doesn’t support us. He despises us. He sees us only as a means for him and nothing more. The means to achieve personal power goals. That’s why he can do what he wants with us, play as he pleases. Destroy us at his whim. we are nothing And though he happened to have risen so high, he is now our tsar and our god; we must worship and fear him.

In Russia there were already leaders with a similar worldview. This led to tragic situations. To bloodshed. To civil wars. I don’t want any of this. Because of this, I’ve developed a dislike for that quintessential Soviet Chekist who walks the red carpets of the Kremlin to the throne of Russia. (…)

I cannot accept that the political winter in Russia will continue for a few more decades. I would like to live a little longer. I wish very much that our children are free. And that our free grandchildren will also be born. Therefore, I sincerely wish that the thaw will come as soon as possible. But only we and no one else can bring the temperature of the Russian winter above zero. Waiting for the Kremlin to thaw, as happened under Gorbachev, is foolish and unrealistic today.

Translation: Elizabeth Mouravieff

Le Monde shows solidarity with the Novaia Gazeta team

Novaya Gazeta, the legendary newspaper of Dmitry Muratov, winner of the 2021 Nobel Peace Prize, and Anna Politkovskaya, who was assassinated in 2006, was forced to cease publication on March 28 when a new leaden screed fell on the last independent Russian media because of the war being waged from Moscow in Of Ukraine.

Since then, part of this courageous editorial team, which has gone into exile, has been trying to keep the Novaïa Gazeta alive through the Novaïa Gazeta media. Europe. This newspaper writes about Russia, Ukraine and Europe in Russian and English and intends to continue its investigative and informational work on everything that is happening in Russia and in relation to Russia.

A few days ago the editor of Novaya Gazeta. Europe, Kirill Martynov, has issued an appeal to the European press. “We can no longer publish a newspaper in our country. We ask you to help us publish and distribute some of our articles across Europe on the occasion of May 9th, the day Vladimir Putin leads the traditional military parade celebrating Russia’s victory over Nazism.

Le Monde decided to react immediately. And proudly welcomes the writings of his colleagues, who added a text by Anna Politkovskaya, written on May 6, 2004, three days before the military parade on Red Square. Out of solidarity and support for journalism and the teams of Novaïa Gazeta.

Caroline Monnot (Editor of Die Welt))

The editorial board of the independent Russian opposition newspaper “Novaya Gazeta.  Europe,” at their new location in Riga, Latvia, on May 7, 2022. The editorial board of the independent Russian opposition newspaper “Novaya Gazeta. Europe,” at their new premises in Riga, Latvia, on May 7, 2022. RAFAEL YAGHOBZADEH FOR THE WORLD Kirill Martynov, journalist for the independent Russian opposition newspaper Novaya Gazeta.  Europe,” in Riga, Latvia, on May 7, 2022. Kirill Martynov, journalist for the independent Russian opposition newspaper Novaya Gazeta. Europe,” in Riga, Latvia, on May 7, 2022. RAFAEL YAGHOBZADEH FOR THE WORLD

Find the articles of the “Novaia Gazeta. Europe” published by “Le Monde”

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