The Weather Network editorial team

Published June 25, 2023 at 11:12 am

There’s excitement in the air: stormy potential is set to materialize in Quebec for much of the week.

Across the province, National Day celebrations were disrupted by storm cells. This was just an introduction: Storm potential will be in place for much of the territory between Monday and Thursday. In fact, all the ingredients are there to make the situation explosive.

Humidity will be plentiful over the next few days, bringing temperatures to around 35°C in southern Quebec. This heat acts as fuel for thunderstorms, giving them the energy to break out.

A system pulls the strings

It is the passage of a low pressure system that sets the powder on fire. In fact, the associated fronts lift the warm air collected near the ground, which can then collide with the colder air at altitude. Result: Storm cells can be expected to develop in many areas.

The disruption will develop fairly slowly, which explains the longevity of the thunderstorm threat – and the gray week Quebec awaits.

Measures could be taken as early as Monday. The instability will be very present in southwestern Quebec: the Outaouais, the Laurentians and the Montérégie are most likely to hear thunder rumble.

The thunderstorm potential will continue to develop as the depression progresses. The passage of the warm front on Tuesday and the arrival of the cold front between Wednesday and Thursday promote cell formation.

Arco Madrid has regained its pulse. After three years marked by the health crisis, the country’s most important contemporary art fair is preparing for its next edition, the 43rd, in which the Caribbean will be the protagonist. “Expectations are very good,” says Maribel López, director of the event, which has established itself as a gateway to Europe for international artists from across the Atlantic. “Since its creation in 1982, Arco Madrid has invested in the international market and public, and in recent years has turned its attention to the countries of the Americas,” explains the organizer of the event.

Around twenty Latin American galleries will be represented in this new edition, which will take place from March 6th to 10th, 2024 at Ifema Madrid, led by Sara Hermann, curator and art historian, and Carla Acevedo-Yates, also curator, researcher and art critic, were selected to participate. art in the region. Last year, Arco Madrid gathered a total of 211 galleries, 66% of which were international (140) and 21% from Latin America, notably Argentina, Brazil, Mexico and Peru.

This is not the first time interest has been shown in countries in the region, with previous editions highlighting Peru in 2019, Argentina in 2017, Colombia in 2015, Brazil in 2008 and Mexico in 2005. Chile rejected the proposal Due to the political instability at the time, the featured country was not selected in 2021. “It is true that there is an interest and a will to present Latin America to the world through the fair, and has been for more than a decade”, emphasizes the representative of the event, which this year counted 95,000 visitors (38,000 professionals ), confirming its recovery and beating pre-pandemic numbers.

According to López, the atmosphere of optimism that pervaded this year’s call reflected the renewed confidence of the players in the art market. This led to favorable sales dynamics, with purchases by both buyers and public institutions adding new works to their museums and collections. “In Arco Madrid this year we rediscovered that feeling of energy. “There was euphoria to take part and visit the works,” he emphasizes. This enthusiasm is expected to continue in the next edition as the global contemporary art market has weathered the storm of the health crisis.

According to a report published by Art Basel, the global contemporary art market grew by 3% in 2022, reaching $67.8 billion (around €61.95 billion at current exchange rates), surpassing $64.4 billion (March 58, 2022). .84 billion euros) in 2019 and UBS. However, art fairs have not yet fully recovered. In 2022, 346 events were organized compared to 408 before the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic. Revenues from events of this type grew 27% in 2022 and accounted for 35% of transactions made by galleries. “While this represents significant growth, this percentage is 7% lower than in 2019,” explains analysis by Clare McAndrew, cultural economist. The recovery is expected to continue through the end of the year.

Art Basel and UBS estimate that there will be around 377 fairs by the end of this financial year. “Art lovers have discovered in the last two years that there is nothing more beautiful than standing in front of a work in person, in a space where you can also be with another person and enter into a dialogue,” says López, from Arco Madrid, which has also become a space for research.

Until 2024, the general program will consist of galleries selected by the organizing committee, composed of José Aloy (from Polígrafa Obra Gràfica), Elba Benítez (from his own company), Eduardo Brandão (from Vermelho), Vera Cortês (from the gallery of the same name ), Henrique Faria, Pedro Maisterra (by Maisterravalbuena), Alex Mor (by Mor Charpentier), Iñigo Navarro (by Leandro Navarro), Sten Nordenhake (by Nordenhake), Silvia Ortiz (by Travesía Cuatro) and Rosa Santos. In addition, there will be a section entitled “Opening” designed to explore the international scene of young galleries, with selections by Yina Jiménez Suriel and Cristina Anglada, and the section “Never the Same” dedicated to Latin American art and by Manuela Moscoso and José Esparza are curated. Chong Cuy. On the other hand, in its commitment to promoting collecting, ArtsLibris once again becomes a point of reference for the world of artists’ publications, self-publishing, photo books and contemporary thought. “There is room for every audience at the fair,” says López. “Arco Madrid encompasses a wide spectrum of people, from collectors and museum directors to gallery owners, but it also caters to art lovers, those who do not shop, as well as artists and students,” points out the person responsible for the case.

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Explosions erupted in Kyiv and Kharkiv on Saturday night, authorities in both cities said, as all of Ukraine was on alert for impending Russian attacks.

• Also read: Offensive in Russia: “We’ll keep going, we’ll do it to the end,” swears the Wagner boss

• Also read: A Russian general addresses a grave warning to the Wagner group

• Also read: Wagner boss declares “war” on Russian Defense Ministry.

“The air defenses in the capital are working,” the Kiev military administration said on Telegram.

Then Mayor Vitali Klitschko reported about “explosions” in the Solomiansky district. “All (ambulance) services will be sent to the scene of the accident,” he added.

“Explosions can be heard in Kharkiv,” said Igor Terekhov, mayor of the country’s second largest city.

Finally, the Ukrainian Air Force reported that missiles were flying towards the Sumy (north), Poltava and Dnipro (central) regions.

She also called on residents of the southern regions of Mykolaiv and Kherson to stay in shelters.

If Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis wants Donald Trump to be clean cut, suburban women just don’t believe it, according to an exclusive poll from .

It shows that while the former president loses seven points to President Joe Biden in this crucial group, DeSantis is also five points behind.

Nearly lifelong Republican Cindy Lackey thinks she knows why.

DeSantis started out as a moderate Republican, she told from her home in Parkland, Fla., before attempting to outflank Trump with culture wars that leaned toward the far right but alienated her and her friends.

“I have many friends who are teachers and principals, and in elementary schools they feel like they are limited in their opportunities for inclusion,” said the 53-year-old mother-of-three.

A new poll by /JL Partners shows President Joe Biden is slamming female voters against potential Republican challengers. He has an advantage in suburban women, a key sector both parties will fight over in 2024

Cindy Lackey lives in Florida and has seen Gov. Ron DeSantis up close. She says he alienated women like her with his culture wars and anti-abortion stance

“I don’t think Trump would have done that.” Honestly, I don’t think he would have taken on the same battles as DeSantis and upset so many people in his own state.”

JL Partners’ poll of 1,000 likely voters across the country shows Biden enjoys strong support among women in general and is winning among suburban women against a range of possible Republican candidates.

In this group, the President beats Pence by five points and Chris Christie by eight points.

Analysts and strategists have long focused on being among the key swing voices at a time when Democrats control cities and Republicans control rural counties.

And the prospects for the GOP are not good no matter which candidate they vote for, says James Johnson, co-founder of Republican polling firm JL Partners

“Suburban women are Biden’s bulwark,” he said.

“Even though the rest of the country is turning away from the current president, suburban women still favor Biden.” It’s not just a Trump problem: every major Republican candidate struggles with this group.

“Whether it’s abortion, schools, or inflation, the GOP needs a strategy to reach these important constituents: Bidding farewell to Trump isn’t enough to win them over.”

The battle for the Republican nomination is currently a race between Trump and DeSantis. Florida governor supporters say he has a better chance in the 2024 general election

A new poll for shows Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis is currently best positioned to run against President Joe Biden in the 2024 election

In polls of Republican primary voters, DeSantis ranks second behind Trump. And his supporters are hoping his charismatic wife and family will endear him to women who have said they object to Trump’s brash demeanor and dressing room language since his “grab her by the p****” comment in 2016 has appeared.

The Florida governor has passed many laws to limit the topics that can be discussed in classrooms about sexual orientation and gender identity.

And taking a hard line on abortion is also a central part of the DeSantis message. Just before his campaign began, the Florida governor signed legislation banning abortion after the sixth week of pregnancy. (It hasn’t come into effect yet, however, as a 15-week ban is still being challenged in court.)

Pence, an evangelical Christian, also takes a hard-line position.

On Friday at the Faith & Freedom conference in Washington, he urged all Republican candidates to support a 15-week abortion ban “as a national minimum standard.”

But Trump has already warned that the matter will cost Republicans at the ballot box, even though it was his selection of conservative Supreme Court justices that brought about the end of Roe vs. Wade’s abortion protections.

The former vice president is five points behind Biden in the poll, while the former New Jersey governor is eight points behind, despite occupying more centrist terrain

Lackey, who works in healthcare IT recruitment, is the kind of woman Republicans need to win back.

In 2016, horrified by the rise of Trump, she wrote on her ballot on behalf of Senator Mitt Romney. In 2020, she did the once unthinkable and volunteered for the Biden campaign.

She even registered as a Democrat to have a say in the party’s primary election last year.

Now she’s looking for a conservative who can put the country back on track.

She said she wanted to know more about Senator Tim Scott’s campaign and was drawn to his message that the country’s bitter divisions needed to be healed.

But the candidates’ focus on abortion left her and her friends cold, she said.

Lackey said she wanted to learn more about Senator Tim Scott’s campaign and was drawn to his message that the country’s bitter divisions needed to be healed

“A lot of women who are strong Republican women don’t like the state of women’s rights that much,” she said.

“Once again, it is an offering from the far right, the religious right…making policy for this core group of the religious right.”

She lives in Florida and has seen DeSantis up close. And he’s unfazed by his headline-grabbing arguments with Disney and the teachers.

A candidate from Paul Ryan or Mitt Romney would have a better chance of winning over her and her friends, she said.

“If Republicans could just put forward a moderate candidate, I think they would shut out Biden and win over everyone in the middle,” she said.

That just doesn’t happen in Vladimir Putin’s Russia. Especially in public.

The Russian president faces the greatest threat to his power in 23 years of ruling the nuclear state. And it’s breathtaking to see the facade of total control he’s maintained all along – the ultimate selling point of his autocracy – crumble overnight.

It was both inevitable and impossible. Inevitable, since the war’s mismanagement had only meant that a system as homogeneously closed and immune to criticism as the Kremlin could survive such a hideous mishap. And impossible, since Putin’s critics simply disappear, fall out of windows or are brutally poisoned. But now the world’s fifth-largest army is halfway through a weekend in which fratricide – turning their guns on their comrades – was briefly the only thing that kept Moscow’s elite from collapsing.

At the time of writing, 24 hours of extraordinary shark-leaping culminated with Wagner boss Yevgeny Prigozhin agreeing to reverse his advance to within 200 kilometers of Moscow’s city limits and send his columns back to “camps” “according to plan”. It was a last-minute U-turn to avoid “bloodshed,” he said. Shortly before this audio statement, Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko, apparently with Putin’s permission, contacted Prigozhin to negotiate this remarkable pullback, according to a statement by Belarusian officials and reports by Russian state media.

Much about this sudden solution is as strange and inexplicable as the crisis it solved. So far, Prigozhin seems not to have heeded any of his demands. The top leadership of the Russian Defense Ministry is still in office. He has done incalculable damage to Putin’s control of the Russian state, showing how easy it is to seize control of the important military city of Rostov-on-Don and then quickly advance towards the capital. And it took the intervention of Lukashenko, an ally whom Putin treats as a subordinate rather than an equal, to put an end to what had been a terrible weekend for the Kremlin.

The story goes on

More details on how this came about are yet to be announced. And the lasting damage done to Putin by this armed insurgency is compounded by some key decisions the Kremlin boss must now make. Will he pardon Prigozhin and his fighters or withdraw his statement about “inevitable punishment” for “extortion and terrorist methods”? Does he make changes in the defensive elite to appease Wagner’s boss? What does all of this tell the Russian military, the Russian elite and the Russian people about who really calls the shots in the country?

The anger and tension that has been building for months has not abated suddenly. Instead, it was accentuated.

So accustomed are we to viewing Putin as a master tactician that the first volleys of Prigozhin’s disobedience were at times viewed as a ruse – an attempt by Putin to keep his generals on their toes with a loyal henchman as their outspoken critic. But what we have seen – Putin having to admit that Rostov-on-Don, his main military center, is out of his control – refutes any notion that this was controlled by the Kremlin.

However, it is likely that Wagner’s units have been planning some of this for some time. The justification for this uprising appeared urgent and spontaneous – an apparent airstrike on a Wagner camp in the forest, which the Russian Defense Ministry has denied – appeared hours after Prigozhin’s remarkable analysis of the reasons for the war.

He spoke partly the truth about the disastrous beginnings of the war: Russia was not threatened by a NATO attack and the Russians were not being pursued. The only deception he claimed was that Russia’s top politicians were behind the invasion plan, not Putin himself. Wagner’s troops rallied very quickly and advanced quickly into Rostov. That’s hard to do spontaneously in one afternoon.

Perhaps Prigozhin dreamed of urging Putin to make a change at the top of a defense ministry that the Wagner boss had publicly berated for months. But Putin’s speech on Saturday morning dashed that prospect. This is now an existential choice for Russia’s elite – between the faltering presidential regime and the dark, mercenary Frankenstein it created to do its dirty work and turned against its masters.

A fighter from the private mercenary group Wagner stands guard near the headquarters of the Southern Military District in the city of Rostov-on-Don, Russia, June 24, 2023. – Stringer/Portal

On June 24, an armored personnel carrier (APC) was sighted on the streets of Rostov-on-Don. – Stringer/Portal

It is also a moment of clarity for the Russian military. A few years ago, Prigozhin’s mild criticism would have resulted in elite special forces sending him away in balaclavas. But now he roams free with the clear aim of marching on Moscow. Where were the special forces of the FSB on this nightmare Saturday for the Kremlin? Decimated by war or unwilling to take on their armed and experienced comrades in Wagner?

It’s not the first time Moscow has looked weak this spring. The drone attack on the Kremlin in May must have caused Putin’s elite to wonder how on earth the capital’s defenses could be so weak. Days later, elite country homes were attacked by more Ukrainian drones. Among Russia’s rich, Friday’s events will remove any questions about whether they should doubt Putin’s rise to power.

Ukraine is likely to celebrate the disastrous timing of this uprising in the ranks of Russia. It will likely change the course of the war in Kiev’s favour. But uprisings rarely end in Russia – or anywhere else – with the results they intended to achieve. Deposition of Tsar Nicholas II in Russia in 1917 led to the Bolshevik Revolution, Lenin, and then the Soviet Empire.

As this rare Jacobean drama unfolds about Russia’s fundamental human frailty, it is not inevitable that improvements will follow. Prigozhin may not prevail, and the foundations of Kremlin control may not collapse for good. But a weakened Putin might do irrational things to prove his strength.

He could prove unable to accept the logic of defeat in the coming months on the front lines in Ukraine. He may not be aware of the level of dissatisfaction among his own forces and not have adequate control over their actions. Russia’s position as a responsible nuclear power rests on stability at the top.

A lot more can go wrong than right. But it is impossible to imagine that from this moment on Putin’s regime will ever return to its former heights of control. And it is inevitable that more turmoil and change is to come.

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