Accompanied by a Canadian delegation, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau attended the coronation of King Charles III on Saturday. in London, while celebrations were taking place in Ottawa.
• Also read: Prince Harry discreetly at the coronation of Charles III
• Also read: Charles III is officially crowned
“Today we celebrate the reign of His Majesty King Charles III. and reaffirm Canada’s unwavering commitment to the Commonwealth,” Justin Trudeau said in a statement.
The latter arrived in the UK on Friday evening with his wife Sophie Grégoire Trudeau to attend both the event and the celebrations.
“On this momentous occasion, let us remember the values we share, such as inclusion, diversity and respect for human rights, as we continue to build a better future together for all members of the Commonwealth,” added the Prime Minister.
The celebrations in London were also attended by the Governor General of Canada, Mary Simon, and a delegation of Indigenous leaders, young Canadians and other prominent Canadians.
“Seventy years have passed since the last coronation, giving us an opportunity to reflect on the changes that have taken place in our country, in the Commonwealth and around the world since then. […] And while the Crown has also evolved over this time, it remains a pillar of our robust and stable democracy and diverse country,” said Ms Simon.
Party all the way to Ottawa
On Saturday, to mark the coronation of Britain’s new monarch, the Canadian government will unveil the new royal crown and flag, as well as a Canadian postage stamp and collector coins specially designed for the event.
It should also be noted that the Bank of Canada confirmed on Saturday that the portrait of Queen Elizabeth II will now be replaced by that of her son, King Charles III.
Breaking into the Uapan Utshekatak center in Mani-utenam, which helps members of the community.
Posted 1:54pm Updated 5:00am
(Mani-utenam) Uapishtan Vollant holds a small black stone between his fingers. It is a traditional stone that was given to him when he began his journey to healing.
“It means a lot to me, it’s my strength. I’m less scared when I have my rock with me,” admits the 49-year-old Innu.
Uapishtan Vollant is still “recovering”. He came here, to the Uapan Utshekatak center in Mani-utenam, to banish his demons: drugs, alcohol and gambling: “When I entered, I was far away,” admits the man who has been sober since January. “I’m clean,” he said quietly.
The Uapan Utshekatak center opened its doors to La Presse on a sunny but still chilly Saturday in late March.
PHOTO EDOUARD PLANTE-FRÉCHETTE, THE PRESS
Entrance to the Uapan Utshekatak center, whose name means “the morning star”.
Intervener Josée Vollant, at our request, agreed to bring together some members of the Uashat mak Mani-utenam community to attend a healing session.
Ten of them form a large circle. They are between 13 and 68 years old. They stayed at the center for different reasons, but with a common goal: to get better. Together they want to deliver a message of hope.
Because there are also people who recover.
“I have forgiven”
La Presse reported on Friday that drug use, particularly cocaine derivatives, has been wreaking havoc since the pandemic in the Innu community, about ten miles east of Sept-Îles. The authorities are on their toes, and the Legault government promises to act soon.
“I’ve been sober for 600 days,” says Rocky St-Onge to loud applause from his comrades. The use of cocaine plunged him into hell. Family crisis, stay in a psychiatric ward, dark thoughts… The 37-year-old father has come a long way.
PHOTO EDOUARD PLANTE-FRÉCHETTE, THE PRESS
Interventionist Josée Vollant (middle) and Rocky St-Onge (right)
“I wanted to die. We’re going to be talking about real business here… I wanted to take my own life. It wasn’t so much that I wanted to die, but I didn’t want to feel anything anymore,” he says confidently. His “harsh past” had an impact on those close to him. He knows it well.
Two of his children, Mayna and Charles St-Onge, 15 and 13, are part of the circle. They listen carefully as their father talks about his trip. Tears flow down Charles’ cheeks.
PHOTO EDOUARD PLANTE-FRÉCHETTE, THE PRESS
Rocky St-Onge and his children Charles and Mayna
“I’ve seen them, my children,” Rocky continues. His throat tightens, then he starts again.
[Mes enfants] didn’t sleep well, school didn’t go well. They’ve been sleeping well since I’ve recovered. I have fewer calls from school.
Rocky St Onge
“I’ve forgiven,” Charles replies, his voice shaking. Today he and his sister are involved in the Uapan Utshekatak center, which offers stays for young people aged 14 to 17.
“When I’m the caregiver, I feel good. It’s good for me to see people healing,” says the boy with red eyes.
Uapan Utshekatak center is well established in Mani-utenam. From the outside, the little faded blue house looks like nothing. But inside, according to the band, great things are happening. “When you leave here, you carry a light,” assures Rocky St-Onge.
PHOTO EDOUARD PLANTE-FRÉCHETTE, THE PRESS
Uapan Utshekatak center is well established in Mani-utenam.
“You have to carry that light that makes the world want to come here [pour se guérir] “, he adds.
The popularity of the four-day session is undeniable. “I don’t even have time to post [la disponibilité], it fills up quickly,” explains Ms. Vollant. Word of mouth in the community of around 4,500 souls is also having an effect.
victories, setbacks
This is not Uapishtan Vollant’s first therapy. It’s been two years since he got rid of his alcohol addiction, but it’s harder with drugs. Last year he relapsed. “It’s a never-ending struggle. Every day,” says this former cocaine user, stroking his traditional rock.
PHOTO EDOUARD PLANTE-FRÉCHETTE, THE PRESS
Uapishtan Vollant and his wife (to his left)
[Les revendeurs], They are everywhere. They are cousins, friends. It’s too easy to get them. I would be glad there aren’t any more. Drugs are a scourge here.
Uapishtan Vollant
“You really have to want to get out,” he continues.
The problem is that interview participants speak of “community healing”.
The Takuaikan Uashat mak Mani-utenam Innu Council claims to have improved the range of community services in recent years. The Pakatan Symposium on Suicide Prevention, Drug Addiction, Mental Health and Cultural Identity begins this week.
Uauitshitun social services on Friday reported a meteoric rise in service requests since the pandemic. According to coordinator Alice Guimond, it is also a signal that the community is asking for help.
believe in the future
Karine Régis sits next to Ms. Vollant and is one of the last to speak. “I am a child of boarding school survivors. My parents were there, I grew up in the world of alcohol, violence and drug addiction,” she says.
PHOTO EDOUARD PLANTE-FRÉCHETTE, THE PRESS
Karine Regis
“I’ve never had a drug problem,” says the 50-year-old. However, she fought for her life. A pain she could calm down in the middle. Today she clings to the future.
“I refuse to see my community as non-natives see us, as vulnerable people, alcoholics, drug addicts… I come from a thriving community,” she said with conviction. “Seeing Charles and Mayna gives me hope. »
“I believe in my community, I believe in recovery. »
Uapan Utshekatak means “morning star”. Which we can still see at dawn today, explains Josée Vollant.
That afternoon, in the little blue house, she still shone in the eyes of these survivors.
The six black components – three men and three women – of the Choir of the Ascension, who stood before the altar of Westminster Abbey in a beautiful circle of dance and rhythm, sang in honor of Carlos III on Saturday. But soon after, as the Archbishop of Canterbury anointed the new monarch with holy oil on his chest, head and hands, a curtain hid the most intimate moment of the ceremony from cameras and guests. And Sadok the Priest rang out between the walls of the temple, the hymn composed by Handel in 1727 for the coronation of George II. There is no other composition more identified with the majesty ascribed to kingship. Modern, in moderate doses, mixed with pomp and tradition.
Carlos of England did not wait 74 years to turn the long-awaited moment of his coronation into a civil event. The duration and the number of participants were fewer than those of his mother Elizabeth II in 1953. But Operation Golden Orb, the instrument prepared by the Government, the Royal House, the BBC and the main British institutions, was an effort that by Success is to show the rest of the world that the UK remains a player to be reckoned with and that the monarchy is an integral part of its being.
Like the rain that hasn’t been missing at any of the last four coronations. And this Saturday there was no shortage in London, where thousands of citizens had waited patiently for hours just to glimpse, for just a few seconds, the carriage that took King Charles and Queen Camila from Buckingham Palace to Westminster Abbey. But above all to say in the future: “I was there.”
More soldiers – 6,000 – than those who marched to the funeral of Winston Churchill in 1965. A total of 23,000 police officers were deployed throughout the British capital. drones. Security Camera. facial recognition technology. A search in recent days by MI5 – the Secret Service for Homeland Security – for people suspected of causing unrest. And above all, no scruples about avoiding supposed shocks. In the early hours of the morning, London’s Metropolitan Police made half a dozen arrests. Among those arrested was Graham Smith, the founder and director of the Republic organization. He had spent months preparing the street protests to change the ceremony to a motto of “not my king” (not my king). He had gathered 2,000 supporters under the statue of Charles I (the king who was beheaded in 1649 for betraying Parliament) in Trafalgar Square, where the royal carriage was to pass.
Rishi Sunak’s government managed to pass new legislation this week to toughen the police response to the protests, after a year of street unrest by organizations like Just Stop Oil, many activists suspect. He has not hesitated to apply it rigorously. Police accused those arrested of handling wire ropes and harnesses, which they could later use to tie themselves to street furniture and disrupt the parade.
the Westminster ceremony
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Most of the abbey’s 2,200 guests had entered the temple hours before the start of the ceremony at 11 a.m. (midday Peninsular Spanish time). Almost half of them – doctors, nurses, volunteers, social workers… – were part of a diverse United Kingdom that Carlos III wanted to represent at his coronation. Although the new monarch, also unlike his mother, has included representatives of other nations and other royalty in the event. French President Emmanuel Macron with his wife Brigitte; European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President Charles Michel; the First Lady of the United States, Jill Biden; or the kings of Spain, Felipe VI and Letizia.
King Charles III arrived in the gardens of Buckingham Palace this Saturday to receive greetings from the army following his coronation in London.PHOTO: PETER BYRNE (GETTY IMAGES) | Video: EPV
Aside from the boos as Prince Andrew of England, who was sentenced to social ostracism for his relationship with American pedophile millionaire Jeffrey Epstein, left Buckingham Palace in an official vehicle bound for the Abbey, the worries and concerns of a royal family are always on Edges of a new crisis were kept in a drawer this time. Prince Enrique arrived alone – Meghan Markle has stayed in the United States on the excuse that her son Archie turned four this Saturday – discreetly entered the religious compound and took his seat in the third row. At the other end his uncle Andrés. A few rows ahead sat the heir to the throne, William, Prince of Wales, and his wife, Catherine, dressed in formal robes.
Guillermo, like his grandfather Felipe of Edinburgh did before Elizabeth II 70 years ago, knelt before his father to pledge allegiance to him with his own life. And then kiss him on the cheek.
The rites and symbols of power
The Crown of Saint Edward and the Imperial Crown; bullets, scepters and swords; a throne built centuries ago solely for the purpose of establishing England’s dominance over Scotland; a Destiny Stone on which Carlos III, like his mother before him, had him carried from Edinburgh to London to fit in the hole provided under Eduardo’s chair. And oaths. And liturgy. Declarations of loyalty to the laws of the Kingdom and the Anglican Church, of which the monarch is supreme governor.
“I, Carlos, solemnly and sincerely confess and declare in the presence of God that I am a faithful Protestant and that according to the laws that ensure a Protestant succession to the throne, I will defend and uphold those laws,” the king said, raising his hand the Bible.
This was the limit of Carlos III’s commitment to integrating the various religious beliefs that coexist in the United Kingdom. Representatives of Islam, Hinduism and Judaism were present in the abbey, with whom the crowned king exchanged a few words as he was already leaving the temple to begin the coronation procession.
The Triumph of Queen Camilla
Few Britons could have imagined nearly 20 years ago that the most hated woman in the UK, the one who stood in the way of the ill-fated fairy tale that was the marriage of Charles of England and Diana Spencer, would end up at the altar of the abbey received in her mind the same crown that Queen Mary, wife of George V, wore for her coronation.
Few have escaped the complicit looks shared in that moment by a couple who have starred in the most interesting story of the resurrection and triumph of the United Kingdom in recent decades. Witnessing the moment were well-loved arts and entertainment personalities who were also guests, such as singers Nick Cave and Katy Perry and actor Stephen Fry. A barely disguised slap in the face to the tabloids that populistically ridiculed romance for years.
That, by coincidence and political circumstances, the Prime Minister responsible for reading a passage from the New Testament during the ceremony was Rishi Sunak, a man of Indian descent and Hindu religion, and not Boris Johnson, the papier-mâché churchill who sent to the Box the Brits went against each other, it had almost Shakespearean echoes: “All’s well that ends well”.
A veil of correction…or censorship
Nobody wanted to speak of censorship, but the opponents of the monarchy were still soaking wet in Trafalgar Square when the golden state carriage carrying the crowned kings left the Abbey to take them back to Buckingham Palace.
“Intimidating letters, accelerated anti-protest laws, facial recognition technology used by millions of people. And this morning people were arrested before the protests, despite police permission,” criticized the human rights organization Liberty in a statement. “This is a dangerous and troubling precedent for our democratic nation.”
The BBC cameras never showed any images of the protest, and its niche – minority, it must be said – in this story is recorded on thousands of mobile phones but not in the files of the public body, one of whose mission is this to preserve UK institutionality.
Half the world is looking at the balcony
Thousands of people flooded The Mall, the avenue that connects Trafalgar Square to Buckingham, like a big red carpet to get to the big square in front of the palace. The iconic moment. The Royal Family greets them from the balcony. With the traditional puzzle game about absence and presence. The kings came out to salute and both wore their crowns. Shortly thereafter, the Princes of Wales, William and Catherine, joined. And Carlos’ siblings, Eduardo and Ana. On this occasion, however, the change was spectacular for many generations. The focus was no longer on the woman with whom they spent decades they thought would always be there – Queen Elizabeth II – but on Carlos III and Camila, the most unexpected royal couple for the United Kingdom in the 21st century.
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If we could give a title to game number two of the series between the Devils and the Hurricanes, “The Kotkaniemi Massacre” would be an option of choice.
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It’s that the former Canadian found the trick to martyr the New Jersey officials in the two most painful ways on Friday night.
The big number 82 initially led a scoreless first half by destroying opposing captain Nico Hischier as he tried to leave the box.
Then, during the second period, “KK” let his racquet do the talking. He opened the shot on goal with a brilliant throw into the top corner.
And he doubled the bet less than three minutes later by being combative near the enemy cage (see this goal in the main video).
According to the Japanese newspaper Nikkei, NATO would propose opening a liaison office in Tokyo. It was enough to warn the Chinese government, which accuses NATO of “destabilizing the Asia-Pacific region and the rest of the world.”
However, there is no question of NATO accepting new members into its ranks, unless they are European. Article 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty expressly prohibits this. On the other hand, after September 11, 2001, NATO officially gave itself the power to intervene outside of European or North American borders. However, the Chinese government’s rhetoric is worrying because it follows Russia’s. In fact, Russia has used the pretext of NATO expansion into formerly Russian-controlled countries, among other things, to justify its war against Ukraine. Several clues suggest that Moscow’s paranoia is spreading to Beijing.
1.What are the signs of paranoia among Chinese leaders?
In terms of information, China is catching up on itself. On Wednesday, the Chinese government expanded its anti-espionage law, widening the offenses for which foreigners can be arrested in China. Importantly, the Chinese government has significantly restricted access to various economic and political data previously available online. To the point where foreign investors would worry about the lack of essential information about the companies they financed. These new guidelines come on top of the various annoying and threatening measures foreign journalists have been subjected to. The atmosphere of defiance settling in China’s government media is beginning to point to that of the Mao years.
2.Can NATO change the military dynamics in Asia?
NATO’s strength lies in the fact that an attack on one of its members is considered an attack on all. However, if China attacks South Korea, Japan, Taiwan or countries in Southeast Asia, it is far from clear that European countries would go to war. The extent to which the United States would interfere in such a war is itself up for debate. A priori, the opening of a NATO liaison office in Tokyo will not change the military dynamics in Asia. However, NATO has signed strategic partnerships with South Korea, Japan and Australia.
3.Why is China reacting so strongly if the dynamic hasn’t changed?
In 2022, NATO recognized for the first time that China posed a threat to its members’ interests and values in the military, political and economic spheres. According to NATO, China would try, among other things, to undermine the existing international order and divide NATO members among themselves. It would conduct “hybrid or malicious cyber operations”. [une] hostile rhetoric [d]disinformation activities […] undermining the security of the Alliance”.
4.Are Attacks on NATO Part of Chinese Disinformation?
Obviously, China is following the old tactic of believing that attack is the best form of defence. The same tactic used by the Chinese government when it accused Canada of “slander” in the case of the attempted intimidation of a Canadian elected official by a Chinese diplomat.
5.Is there a war against China?
No one wants such a war, but Xi Jinping’s aggressiveness could stir things up.
Martin Villeneuve always realizes extraordinary projects. Coming from graphic design and music video, he came to public attention through his graphic novel March and April which he transferred to the cinema. As artistic director of advertising campaigns for Cirque du Soleil and TED speaker, he embarked on his second feature film The 12 Labors of Imelda last fall, in which he also takes on the title role. He’s now embarking on a colossal project, breathing life into a mythical comic book featuring an FBI agent with impressive orange hair, unobstructed and questionable paths I dubbed Red Ketchup.
Photo provided by Teletoon
Why is it time to bring Red Ketchup to life?
The Red Ketchup phenomenon has been around for 40 years, and comic book sales are still going strong today. Not all intellectual property rights have this effect. We’re talking about our time. The Cold War, as we can see, is not quite over yet. It’s a social satire, we’re talking about the American far right, the rise of fascism, feminism. There is less opportunity to address this under the guise of humor. Réal Godbout and Pierre Fournier were visionaries, avant-gardists. They paved the way for those who make comics today. Red Ketchup stands on the border of two worlds: Hergé and the Franco-Belgian comics of the 70’s and the underground side (Robert) Crumb that has gone mainstream. It’s James Bond seen by Tarantino or Rodriguez. He’s an antihero.
How did the transition from comics to cartoons come about?
It’s a huge paperwork. That’s three albums in 20 episodes. It’s like writing three four feature films. There are iconic key moments. Back then, Réal and Pierre were writing four-page soap operas, not knowing where the story would take them. But the show is a story that goes on, like 24 or Stranger Things. It is a free adaptation, the spirit of which we preserve. I was able to enjoy myself with the confidence of the authors.
The project considered making a film with real actors a few years ago. Is it easier or more complex to make cartoons?
Oddly enough, animation is similar to live action. In the first step, the dialogues of the English-speaking actors were recorded (the series will be broadcast on Adult Swim). They delivered a performance without a net. Then the animation was done by hand. These are animated storyboards that we research and design sets, colors, lighting and special effects on. There are specialists for every department and every step. Animated puppets need to have the right voice, the right gestures, the right intentions. We have an architect who works for the Vatican, the Kremlin, Red Square. But the machine runs fine. The 20 episodes will be filmed simultaneously but at different stages. Quebec dubbing remained with the Rythmo band.
How did you choose the actors?
We voted on blind performances. We wanted to be surprised. We chose talent first, not names. For Sally (sister of Red Ketchup) I had France Castel in mind from the start. My instinct was confirmed at the casting. Benoît Brière was the casting director’s idea. He really stood out.
Animation for adults is successful (South Park, american father, BoJack Horseman, family Guy, king of the hill…). Why don’t we see more of this in Quebec?
There is a lot of money behind it. We tried to fund Red Ketchup’s know-how in Quebec, but the funders weren’t there. It was unlocked in Toronto. It’s four years of writing and two years of production. We go off the beaten track. Red Ketchup has something international about it. He’s an FBI agent. It’s Mission Impossible or Indiana Jones. It’s dark humor. The series has the potential to be seen elsewhere. Will parodying Americans help or hurt us? We’ll see. But we occupy a place that no one has occupied.
◆ red ketchup, Thursdays at 10 p.m. on Télétoon la nuit
Are Caisse de depot et Placement du Québec (CDPQ) portfolio managers up to the bounty? I invite you to draw your own conclusions based on the facts below.
While the Caisse de dépôt et placement lost the astronomical sum of $25 billion in 2022, it rewarded its employees by paying them $193 million in “variable compensation” bonuses, including $11 million dollars to their top six executives.
In order to justify the size of these large bonuses, the Caisse insisted on the fact that the calculation of the said “variable remuneration is not just over 2022, but over 5 years” of the total return. And, we add, ‘added value’, which is the difference between the Caisse’s return and its benchmark.
The higher you are in the hierarchy, as is the case with CEO Charles Emond and his five senior management colleagues, the more the overall performance and added value component counts when calculating the bonuses to be paid out.
Comparison
To fully “appreciate” the performance of the Caisse’s portfolio managers, there is nothing better than comparing them to those of Canada’s other three major funds, namely TEACHER’S (Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan), OMERS (Pension Plan Ontario Municipal Employees ), CPP investments (Canada Pension Plan Fund).
Of these four major public pension funds in Canada, our Caisse de dépôt et Placement du Québec (CDPQ) had the weakest performance for all 1-year, 3-year and 5-year periods as of December 31, 2022.
The numbers speak for themselves, here’s the proof.
Over a year
While our CDPQ ended 2022 down 5.6%, TEACHER’S ended the year up 4.0% and OMERS with an annualized return of 4.2%. We agree this is a nasty performance gap!
For its part, Investissement RPC was down 5.0% for the four quarters of 2022, slightly outperforming the CDPQ. But beware, the gap in favor of the CPP will widen dramatically over the years.
Over 3 years
The annualized return on our CDPQ is 4.85%. Over the same three-year period (2020, 2021, 2022), OMERS reports an average annual return of 5.45%.
Well ahead of the CDPQ, we find Investissement RPC with an annualized return of 6.66% and TEACHER’S with 7.86%.
Over 5 years
Again, our CDPQ is beaten by the other three major Canadian funds.
For this 5-year period (2018 to 2022), the CDPQ reported an annualized return of 5.8%. That’s 3/10 percentage points less than the 6.1% annualized return reported by OMERS.
But where the CDPQ’s relative performance is pathetic is in comparison to that of two other major credit unions. TEACHER’S enriched its depositors with an average annual return of 7.3%. That’s 1.5 percentage points more per year than the CDPQ’s return.
And the gap is even wider at CPP Investments, which has returned an annualized 8.1% over 5 years. We’re talking about an annualized gap of 2.3 percentage points.
“Over five years, according to the 2022 Annual Report, the CDPQ delivered $91.8 billion in investment results, thanks to an annualized return of 5.8%. »
Let’s talk… If the CDPQ had achieved the returns of its peers, the investment results over 5 years would have been potentially $25 billion with the return of TEACHER’S (7.3%) or $36 billion with that of Investissements RPC (8.1 %) gone up. . With the return of OMERS (6.1%) we are talking about an additional 5 billion.
Emond and its added value
In his testimony before the Public Finance Committee, Charles Emond confirmed that he had not benefited from the 5-year total return component in the calculation of his variable remuneration, on the contrary. He has headed the CDPQ for three years and claims to be responsible for nearly all of the $17.9 billion in value creation over the five years in question.
Mr. Emond therefore suggests that his variable compensation (bonus) of $3.58 million in 2022 would have been higher if his 3 years as CEO had been accounted for instead of the 5 years of aggregate performance.
When Emond speaks of “his” added value, he is obviously referring to the benchmark against which the CDPQ compares.
If the Caisse de depot et Placement du Québec had used the OMERS or TEACHER’S benchmark indices, there would have been no added value, quite the opposite. (I can’t compare to the RPC because I don’t have their benchmarks.)
For the one-year term, the CDPQ had a benchmark index of -8.3%, compared to a benchmark index of +7.2% for OMERS and +2.3% for TEACHER’S.
Relative to the benchmark index over 3 years, the CDPQ returned an annualized return of 3.49%, well below the 6.9% return of the OMERS benchmark index and the 7.2% return of the TEACHER’S.
And over 5 years, the benchmark index of the CDPQ has an average annual return of 4.90%, compared to 7.1% for OMERS and 6.8% for TEACHER’S.
WATCH the Argentine superclassic River Plate vs. Boca Juniors LIVE and DIRECTLY HERE | Both teams face each other this Sunday, May 7th for date 15 of the 2023 Argentine Pro League. Millionaires and Xeneizes come from the Copa Libertadores game in which they face different moments as River lost to Fluminense and is the bottom of their group; while Boca defeats Colo Colo and is the leader in his team. The confrontation, which will begin at 3:30 p.m. (Peruvian time) and 5:30 p.m. (Argentina time), will be televised through the signal from ESPN and StarPlus. In addition, you can follow minute by minute and the goals of this and all today’s games on La República Deportes.
Riverplate vs. Boca Juniors: match report
Broken
River Plate vs. Boca Juniors
If?
Sunday May 7th
What’s the time?
3:30 p.m. (Peru) and 5:30 p.m. (Argentina)
On which channel?
ESPN and StarPlus
Where?
monumental stadium
Riverplate vs. Boca Juniors: possible alignments
Riverbed: Franco Armani; Milton Helmet, Leandro Gonzalez Pirez, Emmanuel Mammana or Paulo Diaz, Enzo Diaz, Enzo Perez, Rodrigo Aliendro, Nicholas De la Cruz, Ignacio Fernandez, Ezequiel Barco or Solomon Rondon; and Lucas Beltran.
Boca Juniors: Sergio Romero; Marcelo Weigandt, Nicolás Figal, Facundo Roncaglia, Valentín Barco, Luis Advíncula, Álan Varela, Guillermo ‘Pol’ Fernández, Cristian Medina, Sebastián Villa and Luis Vázquez.
River Plate vs Boca Juniors: historical
What time River Plate vs Boca Juniors LIVE?
Riverplate vs. Boca Juniors for the date 15 of the Argentine professional league It starts at 15:30 (Peruvian time). Know the schedule according to your location.
Mexico: 2:30 p.m
Peru, Ecuador, Colombia: 3:30 p.m
Bolivia, Venezuela, Chile, Paraguay: 4:30 p.m
Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil: 5:30 p.m
Spain: 10:30 p.m
What channel can you watch River Plate vs. Boca Juniors LIVE on?
The Argentine superclassic River Plate vs. Boca Juniors will air this Sunday, May 7th on the ESPN signal across South America as well as on the Star Plus streaming platform.
How to watch River Plate vs. Boca Juniors on ESPN?
Peru: 504 SD and 740 HD (Movistar TV, Cable), 483 SD and 884 HD (Movistar Satellite TV), 621 SD and 1621 HD (DirecTV), 65 SD and 523 HD (Claro TV, Cable), 36 SD and 1711 HD (Claro TV, Satellite).
Argentina: 621 SD and 1621 HD (DirecTV), 22 analog and 103 digital/HD (Cablevision), 104 digital and 1009 HD (Telecentro), 24 SD and 154 HD (Antina), 14 analog, 102 digital and 1000 HD (Supercanal ).
Uruguay: 621 SD and 1621 HD (DirecTV).
Colombia: 621 SD and 1621 HD (DirecTV), 483 SD and 884 HD (Movistar TV), 511 SD and 1511 HD (Claro TV, Cable), 510 SD and 540 HD (Claro TV, Satellite).
Chile: 621 SD and 1621 HD (DirecTV), 480 SD and 884 HD (Movistar TV), 174 SD and 474 HD (Claro TV); 49 (Santiago), 53 (Valparaíso), 55 (Concepción) and 841 HD (VTR).
Ecuador: 621 SD and 1621 HD (DirecTV), 200 SD and 730 HD (Cable TV Group), 302 SD and 703 HD (CNT).
Bolivia: 54 (Cotas), 508 SD and 701 HD (Tigo), 40 (Entel), 105 and 507 SD and 508 HD (Inter Satellite).
Where to Watch River Plate vs Boca Juniors Online?
In order not to miss the River Plate vs. Boca Juniors broadcast online, you can tune into the Star Plus signal, a streaming service through which you can access the entire program of sporting events. In case you are unable to attend, you will have the opportunity to follow ONLINE coverage of this commitment via La República Deportes.
