WASHINGTON. In a rare official news conference in January, President Biden hailed the $1 trillion infrastructure package recently approved by Democrats and Republicans, promising that miles of roads would be restored, railroads and bridges would be upgraded, and America’s public transportation system would become a source of international envy.

On the same day, 16 Republican governors sent a letter to Mr. Biden highlighting the major challenge he faces in making his legislative ambitions a reality.

Governors have countered the federal government’s efforts, outlined in the memo, to encourage states to use funds to repair roads instead of widening them, which the Biden administration says will exacerbate vehicle emissions. The letter calls on the administration to refrain from using the law to advance its “social agenda” which they say would hinder their own goals for the package, and to give them “maximum regulatory flexibility” in spending the funds.

Mr. Biden is expected to push the bill and commit to repair 65,000 miles of roads and 1,500 bridges in his address to Congress on Tuesday. Over the past few weeks, he has been traveling the country to sell a package that is at the center of his broader program to cut emissions, promote racial equality, create jobs and help low-income families. But much of his success depends on state leaders deciding how to use most of the funds, and who may not always share the president’s goals.

At the center of this tension is Mitch Landrieu, the former mayor of New Orleans who helped rebuild the city after Hurricane Katrina. As Mr. Biden’s infrastructure czar, Mr. Landrieu is responsible for ensuring that a key item on the president’s agenda is carried out according to its terms.

He has been outreach to state and local leaders trying to make Mr. Biden’s vision a reality, talking to nearly every governor and more than 55 mayors and traveling the country to promote the law. On February 16, Mr. Landrieu met with a bipartisan group of senators to discuss funding targets.

Some state leaders have said their priorities align well with those of the federal government, such as repairing existing roads, repairing old bridges, and expanding Amtrak’s services.

“Generally speaking, the purpose of the bill and our purpose are the same,” said Connecticut Gov. Ned Lamont, a Democrat. “We are talking about the renewal of ancient infrastructure, which is the key to economic development. It’s about justice and equality.”

But others, accepting the money, were bristled by the federal government’s attempts to channel it into spending.

Nebraska Gov. Pete Ricketts, who signed the Jan. 19 letter, said states, especially those outside the East Coast, needed space to achieve their own priorities, such as building new highways. He also said expanding Amtrak’s service, a key goal of the Biden administration, was “not very helpful” in Nebraska given its less dense population.

In November, Mr. Landrieux called Mr. Ricketts to discuss how the two sides could coordinate their efforts. While the governor said he appreciates the call, he is not optimistic that the Biden administration will give states the flexibility they need.

“Outreach doesn’t matter if you’re going to restrict us,” Mr. Ricketts said.

Republican lawmakers, some of whom voted in favor of the legislation along with Democrats, sided with the states. Senators Mitch McConnell of Kentucky and Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia wrote their own letter to governors urging them to ignore the administration’s memo, which they say is “no legal force.” On February 18, Mr. McConnell, Ms. Capito, and 27 other Republican senators sent a letter to Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg criticizing the memorandum.

Mr. Landrieu told The New York Times he was not surprised by the governors’ letter. “There will always be conflict in this zone,” he said of tensions between the federal government and the states.

Resolving this conflict will be a delicate balancing act. He acknowledged that governors “make the final decision” and that some communities, such as those with fewer roads and bridges to repair, will need more flexibility.

“In those cases, it makes sense for them to do so. Not in other states.” said Mr. Landrieu. “There has to be flexibility, and we recognize that.”

But he has made it clear that the Biden administration will continue to try to influence the types of projects that funds are directed to, including through the issuance of federal guidelines and recommendations.

“The federal government has the power to set what they call guidelines, rules and regulations,” Mr. Landrieux said.

So far, some states have shown a willingness to ignore and challenge these rules.

Gov. Doug Ducey of Arizona, a Republican whose state recently sued the Biden administration over stimulus reimbursement efforts, said his office isn’t afraid to fight back if it thinks federal guidelines are too excessive. Mr. Ducey said expanding highways was one of his top priorities in the rapidly growing state.

“We don’t need further guidance from the federal government,” he said.

Most of the money has yet to come in, with only about $100 billion allocated to state and local governments, with the bulk of the funding expected to be made available over the next two to three years.

This creates another problem for Mr. Landrieu. It could be years before many of these projects are completed, making it harder for Mr. Biden to highlight the impact of the law in the midterms and ahead of his re-election campaign.

Mr. Landrieu said he faced a similar dilemma during his tenure, pointing to the construction of a new terminal for Louis Armstrong International Airport in New Orleans. This $1 billion project he promoted and secured funding was completed after his tenure, although he was not re-elected. Mr. Landrieu said Mr. Biden will continue to push the package forward, but he doesn’t think the president should stand next to completed projects for Americans to understand his contribution.

“Getting a loan is not really that important. I mean what you are doing here will hopefully continue for generations,” said Mr. Landrieu. “So we want to go fast, but we want to do it right.”

“I have nothing to offer the African American community about their experience,” Mr. Landrieux said. “I can offer my opinion on being a white man from the South, raised in one of the most difficult racial times, and how white people here are having a hard time tackling the issue of race in a way that allows us to acknowledge our past.”

He was described by his allies as a detail-oriented and efficient leader who knew how to cut through the federal bureaucracy. He developed a reputation for turning New Orleans around after being run by C. Ray Nagin, who was later jailed for bribery and fraud. But he has faced a controversial reputation in some of his infrastructure work, including running the city’s sewer and water board. He was also known to be an aggressive leader who insisted on his decisions, a style that annoyed some of his critics.

Brief overview of the infrastructure bill

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Transport. The proposal calls for tens of billions of dollars in new federal spending on roads, bridges and transportation programs. Amtrak will see its biggest injection of money since its inception, with funds allocated to programs designed to ensure safe commuting for pedestrians.

Climate. Funding will be provided to better prepare the country for global warming. The Forest Service will receive billions of dollars to reduce the effects of forest fires. The bill includes $73 billion to upgrade the national power grid so it can transmit renewable energy.

Resources for low-income communities. A new $2 billion grant program is expected to expand transportation projects in rural areas. The bill will also increase support for Native American communities by allocating $216 million to the Bureau of Indian Affairs for climate change adaptation efforts.

Some said that Mr. Landrieu’s experience in running New Orleans had prepared him for his current job. The city, with its potholed streets, century-old chimneys and constant flooding, embodies some of the nation’s worst infrastructure deficiencies.

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Cedric Richmond, one of Mr. Biden’s closest advisers and a former congressman who has represented most of New Orleans for a decade, said Mr. Landrieu has a track record of making difficult decisions to “get things done,” pointing to a new airport terminal.

Paul Rainwater, acting chief executive of the Sewer and Water Board, said Mr Landrieu “wouldn’t just answer.”

“He wants to know how and why,” Mr. Rainwater said.

Rainwater was in charge of changing the Sewer and Water Board after a severe thunderstorm destroyed the city’s pumping and drainage network, flooding hundreds of cars and homes. After the 2017 flood, Mr. Landrieu demanded the resignation of some of the agency’s officials, who initially claimed the system was working properly.

The situation drew criticism from people like Aaron Mishler, president of the New Orleans Firefighters Association, who said Mr. Landrieu had failed to improve the agency and oversee its leadership in his eight years in office.

“These questions still remain,” he said.

Some of those who worked with Mr. Landrieu described him as an aggressive leader. Rosalind Cooke, co-chair of the New Orleans League of Women Voters, said the group met with Mr. Landrieu during his second term as mayor to discuss moving the upcoming early winter election to fall, when voters would be less distracted. for holidays and sporting events.

According to Ms. Cook, Mr. Landrieu strongly objected to the proposal, which could shorten his tenure, and said the change should wait.

“If he had conflicting views, behind closed doors he was more of a bully,” said Ms Cook, a professor of political science at Tulane University. A change was later made, but the inauguration date was not changed, resulting in a longer transition.

Others said Mr. Landrieux’s strong personality was his advantage.

“Sometimes people aren’t always thrilled about a leader acting as decisively as Mitch was required to over time,” said Walt Leger, a former Louisiana state representative. “But I’ve never seen it lead to negative consequences for the community.”

Yet Mr. Trump-backed Mr. Abbott was booed at a Trump rally north of Houston in January, winning the crowd’s confidence only by mentioning the president’s name more than two dozen times in his six-minute speech.

“I think Greg Abbott has been around long enough,” said Anita Brown, 62, who attended a recent right-wing candidate rally in The Woodlands, a suburban enclave north of Houston. “I just wish I had someone new.”

In Texas, Mr. Trump suffered one of his rare primary losses last year in the race for the House of Representatives, and while he has issued a range of endorsements, from governor to Tarrant County District Attorney, he has mostly supported incumbents and clear favorites.

More serious tests of his influence loomed later in the spring and summer, in the Senate elections in North Carolina and Alabama, and in the gubernatorial elections in Georgia. In this race in Georgia, Trump hired David Purdue, a former senator and governor, to try to unseat Gov. Brian Kemp, a Republican who refused to bow to Trump’s efforts to cancel the 2020 election.

In Texas, Mr. Paxton, a regular on Fox News, enjoys Mr. Trump’s backing but remains vulnerable due to his legal woes: in addition to allegations of corruption by his aides, the Texas Attorney General has been indicted for securities fraud since 2015 .

His rivals represent various Republican centers of power fighting for the future of the party.

There is George P. Bush, Jeb Bush’s son and statewide official who has positioned himself as the most elected conservative in the race, and Eva Guzman, a former state Supreme Court Justice who has the backing of some traditional business interests. are influential players in Republican politics.