Liberals believe they made a costly mistake in allowing Québec solidaire and the Parti Québécois to be recognized in 2018, and they want to fight back this time. However, your negotiating position is “untenable” in the eyes of the other parties.

• Also read: A vote of confidence for Dominique Anglade within a year

• Also read: Will the PLQ agree to shoot itself in the foot?

• Also read: Things start badly for Anglade

“In hindsight, allowing third-party recognition in 2018 was a mistake,” says a Liberal source when asked about the PLQ’s intentions as it negotiates the space opposition parties can take in the National Assembly over the next few years.

“It allowed Quebec Solidaire to prevail and François Legault to ignore Dominique Anglade. It weakened us. We should have perhaps had a bad couple of weeks and then had more speaking time throughout the mandate,” says our source.

Earning faction rank gives a political party a decent operating budget and more speaking time in the plenary chamber. According to National Assembly regulations, a party must have 12 MPs or have obtained 20% of the votes to have this status, which, like this year, was not the case for QS or the PQ in the last legislature.

Different times, different manners

After the last election, an agreement was reached between the parties to correct the imbalances caused by our electoral system.

“We also had to find a way to get Parliament working,” recalls former Speaker of the House Sébastien Proulx, who at the time represented the PLQ at the negotiating table.

According to him, the presence of too many independent MNAs could hinder the proper functioning of the assembly.

Four years later, the Liberals have changed their minds: Dominique Anglade has already stressed that she will only give the green light to the recognition of the QS and PQ as official parties if François Legault advocates a reform of the electoral system.

Difference between votes cast and seats won

Does the current electoral system effectively represent the will of the people?

From October 3, 2022

Compare with the number of seats obtained

negotiation attitude

Since all parties must agree to such a regulatory change, a Liberal refusal could theoretically reduce the Solidaires’ and PQ’s funding to a trickle for the next four years if they each collect more than votes than the Liberals.

Even within the PLQ, some are surprised by Ms Anglade’s position.

“In my opinion, that’s just a negotiating position,” breathes another Liberal source.

For their part, opponents of the Liberals call this position “unsustainable” and “illogical” given past agreements and the prospect of delays in implementing the new legislature if negotiations drag on.

And the CAQ?

Not to mention that the Solidaires and the PQ are backed by the Avenir Québec Coalition, which sees an interest in splitting speaking time between several factions.

“Question Time is used to build stories over the course of a session, a CAQ source points out. Having all objections in this status divides the time each of the parties has to ask their questions and gives them less time to reach their conclusion.

But what do Liberals have to gain by claiming to oppose recognition by other opposition parties? “To be honest, it’s not clear. In social networks, it has become very difficult to exclude a group. Maybe they hope to limit the operating budgets of the other parties,” suggests a former Liberal.

Álvaro Uribe before the Supreme Court in October 2019. Anadolu Agency (Getty Images)

The historical memory of a war can always be debated because there is always more evidence to be discovered, more voices to be heard, or more angles to be explored. Having the last word in a conflict that has lasted more than half a century is almost impossible. But the memorial fabric that Colombia has been weaving for more than a decade is locked in a long political war fought less over evidence and more over honor. A struggle that is intensifying between former President Álvaro Uribe’s right-wing party, the Democratic Center, and the new left-wing government of Gustavo Petro. The new battlefront arrives this month in the form of primers.

Uribismo this week presented a series of 15 pamphlets in response to the massive 800-page Findings and Recommendations report released in June by the Truth Commission, an institution that grew out of the 2016 Havana peace accords. The commission has interviewed almost 30,000 people and in its report condemned the violence of guerrilla groups, paramilitaries, drug traffickers and the state. The Petro government’s response was to commit to disseminating this report in all educational institutions across the country in the form of educational primers, an announcement that caused alarm among Uribism.

“They begin the unconstitutional and totalitarian indoctrination by forcing the truth of the left on our children,” said Senator Paloma Valencia of the Democratic Center. The counterbooks are “a first approximation that we’re taking to refute some of the things that we don’t think are entirely true,” explains Laura Medina, adviser to former President Uribe. They plan to send them this week to Education Minister Alejandro Gaviria, who suggested in August that he would consider the possibility of the “alternative primer” being presented to the country’s institutions if it meets strict standards. Medina of the Democratic Center explains: “Yes, we would be very interested in going into the schools and educating the children so that they too have this truth.”

The Democratic Center’s new counter-kartillas are 15 short texts that talk about the country, crime, and public politics, but constantly focus on attacking the point that has most disturbed Uribismo since the peace process: that public violence is equated with armed ones Groups. “The Havana Accords put our democratic forces on an equal footing with those who committed acts of terrorism,” reads the first introduction, authored by former President Uribe.

Uribe there insists that the false alarms — since extrajudicial executions carried out by the army are known to portray civilians as dead guerrillas — were not state policy, and he questions the innocence of the people murdered. “The armed forces circulate the private version, which they do not publicly support, that many false alarms have been raised about people being in illegal groups,” he writes. He then hypothesizes that the false alarms were a conspiracy by “malicious minds of those who should have enjoyed the tragedy that has discredited our government and armed forces”. Present a conspiracy with no supporting evidence.

The difficult thing about maintaining this position is that dozens of military personnel have publicly claimed that it was stimulus policies that led to the false alarms. In addition to the Truth Commission’s investigations, the Special Justices for Peace (JEP) Interim Court held public hearings this year in which dozens of soldiers admitted to killing civilians under a macabre stimulus policy; Searching multiple databases, the JEP estimated that 6,402 civilians were misrepresented as combat casualties during the Uribe administration; and in statements that have not yet been released, there are several commanders and generals who have accused retired General Mario Montoya – the key member of the Uribe government, during which he was commander of the army – of demanding “rivers of blood”. from his subordinates, and reward them according to the number killed instead of captured. (Montoya has denied these allegations and his case is still under investigation by the JEP).

Newsletter

Current affairs analysis and the best stories from Colombia, delivered to your inbox every week

GET THE

“It seems to me that Uribismo’s position of denying responsibility does not strengthen public power, but rather weakens it,” says María Emma Wills, a researcher who worked at the National Center for Historical Memory (2012-2018) and the National Group for Historical Memory (2007-2012). Wills explains that the protection of institutions in a democracy necessarily comes through the accountability of the agency, which maintains its legitimacy.

“What isn’t democratic, in my view, is a look where you’re basically shielding the institutions from denial. That’s where impunity is cultivated, and that’s how you plant the seeds of institutional collapse,” Wills adds. “What is happening seems to me more like a social cognitive dissonance that can happen to a perpetrator who has committed the worst crimes in order to live with himself, rearranges his own existence in order to live with it, and then lies about this himself: He says he did not murder the civilian population, but that they were all guerrillas. And, well, no. Cognitive dissonance does not rhyme with democracy, with debate, with conflicting sources, with historians, with judges, with increasingly robust arguments.”

The following 14 introductions were written by several bishops of Uribe: the senators María Fernanda Cabal and Paloma Valencia, the director of the Nubia party Stella Martínez or the former defense minister Diego Molano. There is only one anonymous author, the one in Primer 12, who quotes Hitler to describe the truth commissioners as a group of fascists (the commission was headed by a Jesuit priest and consisted of some of the country’s most respected academics). The pamphlet, entitled “So that yesterday’s victims are today’s heroes”, accuses the commissioners of carrying out a mistranslation in their report: they made victims of guerrillas and victims of heroes (the military or Uribe). More than an academic study, the text is a manifesto of the former president’s heroism.

To the political struggle for heroism is added a more difficult one about the origin of war. Senator Paloma Valencia is the author of a pamphlet that summarizes one of Uribismo’s key arguments about the causes of the conflict. The cause was not the social and political exclusion of large population groups. “The great war in Colombia, most of its violence, is explained by drug trafficking,” writes Valencia.

But the Petro government understands that a key trigger for violence is a consequence of political and social exclusion, and it distances itself from the view that Colombia has faced 50 years of drug terror attacks. The counter-kartillas were released on the same day that the President appointed María Valencia Gaitán, daughter of Liberal leader Jorge Eliecer Gaitán, who was assassinated in 1948 and whose death sparked a wave of violence, as director of the National Center for Historical Memory. “I think she is an appropriate person to be a victim of the initial violent process that gathered us here,” the President said, naming her from an event at the Center for Remembrance, Peace and Reconciliation.

Uribism’s struggle with memory research has been ongoing for nearly a decade, from its criticism of the reports of the National Center for Historical Memory during the reign of Juan Manuel Santos to an attempt to appoint a historian from his current institution as director during the government of Iván Duque. The director in charge, Darío Acevedo, was accused of being a denier and of manipulating the victims’ files for a script at the National Museum of Remembrance. In the new government, Petro has said that “approaching the truth cannot be seen as a space for revenge, as if it were an enlargement of arms”. But with Uribismo in opposition, the fight for truth is now going through a series of primers.

Subscribe here to the EL PAÍS newsletter on Colombia and receive all the important information about current events in the country.

A Ukrainian linked to a fake “heiress” who had infiltrated Mar-a-Lago was shot dead outside a Quebec hotel.

Valeriy Tarasenko, 44, was shot dead outside an Estérel Resort Hotel in Estérel, Quebec, around 1 p.m. Friday. He was not a guest of the hotel.

Tarasenko, a businessman, was romantically involved with Inna Yashchyshyn, 33, who reportedly posed as a fake heiress to the Rothschild fortune to infiltrate Donald Trump’s home in Mar-a-Lago.

He has ties to Canada and Florida and had met with the FBI to turn over documents revealing his ex-lover’s infiltration and dealings. The documents showed that the couple owned two companies together.

The shooting on Friday left him with serious but non-life-threatening injuries. Another person involved suffered serious head injuries.

Three people opened fire on three others in the parking lot before driving away in a black SUV, CBC reported.

Mayor Frank Pappas believed the attack was targeted and local police are investigating.

Tarasenko, a businessman, had ties to Inna Yashchyshyn (pictured with Trump), who reportedly posed as a fake heiress to the Rothschild fortune to infiltrate Donald Trump’s home in Mar-a-Lago

Valeriy Tarasenko, 44, was shot dead outside an Estérel Resort Hotel in Estérel, Quebec, around 1 p.m. Friday. He was not a guest of the hotel

Yashchyshyn, 33, made headlines last month after a Pittsburgh newspaper published an exposure that delved into a murky past in which she rose from unknown origins to planing with America’s former president while sporting one of the wealthiest names in history .

Since the story broke, Yashchyshyn has been accused of being everything from a Russian spy to a member of an international crime syndicate, and Senate Intelligence Committee chairman Mark Warner has also called for an investigation into how someone with such a shady past got into one could invade the former president’s house unchecked

The FBI and Canadian law enforcement have both launched investigations into her past and finances, which are still ongoing.

But Yashchyshyn – who has passports, driver’s licenses and other IDs bearing the name of Anna de Rothschild – said the entire subterfuge was foisted on her by her abusive ex-lover, 44-year-old Valeriy Tarasenko, who forced her to don the fake identity and infiltrated high society to support his 18-year-old daughter’s music career.

“I was a hostage,” she told the Post Gazette this week, characterizing Tarasenko as a jealous lover who became manipulative and violent when she tried to leave him.

But Tarasenko insists otherwise, saying in a recent interview with the New York Post that Yashchyshyn is a “brilliant scammer.” He also said the two never had a romantic relationship and he only hired her as a nanny for his two daughters in 2014.

Federal agents first got wind of Yashchyshyn last winter after Tarasenko filed a criminal complaint accusing her of taking the name Anna de Rothschild to gain “access” to politicians “including but not limited to Donald Trump, Lindsey Graham and Eric Greitens”, former governor of Missouri.

In an affidavit filed in a Miami-Dade court, Tarasenko wrote that Yashchyshyn was “an active member of an international criminal organization.”

In the complaint, Tarasenko enclosed numerous international identification cards with Yashchyshyn’s face and the name Anna de Rothschild, including a Florida driver’s license that listed her address as an $18 million estate on San Marco Island.

Tarasenko said Rothschild wasn’t Yashchyshyn’s only powerful alias, and claimed she routinely adopted others, including Anna Kruger – who poses as a member of Canada’s paper and cardboard wealth family – and Inessa Cavalli of the $500 million Italian fashion empire.

He also claimed that Yashchyshyn worked for numerous Russian oligarchs and indirectly served Vladimir Putin.

Yashchyshyn vehemently denied the allegations, telling a Canadian court earlier this year that Tarasenko had always threatened her with a legal “nightmare” if she ever left him.

“If I run away, he will make my life a nightmare by filing bogus legal surprises against me,” she said in court, according to The Post.

Yashchyshyn claimed that Tarasenko forced her to adopt false names, open a series of limited liability companies in Miami and Montreal, and pose as Anna de Rothschild in order to cheat the powerful out of their wealth.

One such company was Rothschild Media Label Inc., which Yashchyshyn said was meant to boost the music career of Tarasenko’s 18-year-old daughter Sofiya, who goes by the online name Sofiya Rothschild.

“He felt that if Sofiya changed her last name to Rothschild, she would have a better chance of making it big in America,” she told the Post. Yashchyshyn added that Sofiya referred to her in public as “her aunt Anna de Rothschild”.

Sofiya’s Instagram page goes by the name of Sofiya Rothschild and includes videos promoting her music and photos of her posing in front of luxury cars with her face always covered. Yashchyshyn can be seen next to Sofiya in at least one photo.

Yashchyshyn also denied under oath ever using false names or breaking any law.

But numerous people who were present when she performed at Mar-a-Lago in May 2021 say she called herself Anna de Rothschild.

“Everybody ate it up,” said author and former Wall Street investor John LeFevre, who met Yashchyshyn at Trump’s resort.

LeFevre and other witnesses said that in addition to introducing herself as Rothchild, Yashchyshyn spoke about plans to open a Formula One circuit in Miami and spoke about days growing up in Monaco. Yashchyshyn was raised by a truck driver from Illinois, according to the Post Gazette.

“It was a near-perfect trick and she played the role,” LeFevre told the Post Gazette.

However, Yashchyshyn told the Post she never used false names in Mar-a-Lago and only went there because a friend of Sofiya’s invited her. She said she stayed May 1-2, 2021, had lunch and played a round of golf with a family she met.

During that golf session — the same day the resort was hosting a $25,000 a cap fundraiser — she met Trump and the infamous photo was snapped.

“I didn’t tell anyone my name, and nobody asked for ID,” she told the Post.

Despite her claims, footage from the day made available to the Post Gazette shows Yashchyshyn teeing off at a driving range in Mar-a-Lago while a man calls her Anna and jokes that she could afford it to donate $1 million for a photo with Trump.

“Anna, you’re a Rothschild – you can afford a million dollars for a picture with you and Trump,” the man was heard saying.

It is an incredible story and yet! An American tourist has destroyed two statues in a Vatican museum after being denied an audience with Pope Francis.

The facts happened on Wednesday, October 5, artnet magazine reported. The fifty-year-old strolled through the Chiaramonti Museum, one of the Vatican Museums that houses almost a thousand ancient sculptures, busts, statues, urns and sarcophagi. He then asked to meet the Pope, which was apparently refused.

Individual talks with the high priest are subject to very specific criteria and are prior. However, every Wednesday there is a public hearing in the Place Saint-Pierre, but you must have a ticket for it beforehand.

Faced with this refusal, he angrily threw down the ancient bust that was near him and damaged another work while fleeing. “The tourists at his side were petrified by the scene,” explains the Italian newspaper Il Messagero. Two guards intervened to subdue the man, who did not reveal what he intended to say to the pope.

“The person who toppled the statues has been arrested by Vatican police and handed over to Italian authorities,” the Vatican said in an official statement. A video surveillance system permanently monitors the rooms of the museum.

The works have taken over the direction of the restoration laboratory. Luckily, these are “small works, two small busts that can be restored”.

“There the left it is not square a invoke peace? The responsibility rests with the Democratic Party, the most warmongering party in the entire parliamentary arc.” Like this Andrea Scanzi in his speech as a regular on the new season of ‘Agreements & Disagreements’the political talk that will be broadcast on Nine under the direction of Luca Somi with the participation of Marco Travaglio, on the proposal by M5S President Giuseppe Conte to hold a peace march without political flags to revive diplomatic initiatives in the war between Russia and Ukraine and the distrust with which the Democrats have met the proposal. “I remain shocked at the lack of concept, but also at the horror and embarrassment of using the word ‘peace’ on the left. – said the journalist – as you noticed, the concept of peace applied to this war is now an exclusive, a kind of copyright that has remained to the Pope, to Santoro and to Conte. It’s pretty obvious that the Democratic Party, which still has 19%, and who of them got elected many left votersis the most more warmongersthe more ‘gunsmith’, excuse the ugly imprint, the voter himself says, ‘Okay, but if the Democratic Party tells me it’s okay, I won’t take to the streets,'” he continued. Scanzi also admitted: “I’m one of those people who, unlike Di Battista, who was probably right, was at the beginning he would have voted for armamentsbut after three, four, five, six weeks, as Conte fared, as partially Salvini fared and many others, the fateful question was asked: Is that the right strategy? Okay so or we are in good faith or bad faith drive the conflict to despair? Do we want to face this problem? In my opinion, that is why those who take to the streets will do so, not because they are Putinians, but because they want us to focus more on diplomacy and not onSpread your weapons with both handswhat the European Union is doing. And here I stop. The big culprit is the Democratic Partywhich was completely divided even yesterday when the European Union said ‘ok, let’s send the guns’,” Scanzi concluded.

‘Agreements & Disagreements’ is produced by loft productions for Discovery Italia and will be available in live streaming and then on-demand via the new streaming service discovery + as well as on the website, app and Smart TV of TV loft. Nove can be seen on Digital Terrestrial Channel 9, Sky Canale 149 and Tivùsat Canale 9.