PP President Alberto Núñez Feijóo (left) during the meeting with Vox President Santiago Abascal as part of his talks with political leaders to seek support for the investiture in Congress this Tuesday.ZIPI ARAGON (EFE)
This week, two uncomfortable photos reminded the PP that despite all attempts to hide it, Vox has established itself as their partner of choice. The first picture was taken this Tuesday in Congress at the meeting that Alberto Núñez Feijóo and Santiago Abascal held for the Vox leader to confirm the PP leader’s crucial support of the 33 far-right MPs for his inauguration. It took a year and a half to create this snapshot, which features Feijóo at times with a circumspect gesture. Although the two parties already share five regional governments and agreements in 140 city councils, the Galician politician has so far settled with that of the extreme right. The second picture is that of the inauguration of Murcia’s President, Fernando López Miras, this Thursday, which has advanced almost four months after the elections, only when he agreed to include the ultras in his government, although he had refused all along . Feijóo left his chair empty at the investiture of his Murcian baron, to whom he sent his number two, Cuca Gamarra. But the portrait was already finished.
The fate of the PP leader, as evidenced by the photos that follow him, is linked to the extreme right. In the immediate future, as the support of the 33 Vox MPs was vital for the king to entrust him with the investiture. And in the background, because the entire territorial power of the PP now rests on Abascal’s party, which managed to prevail in the negotiations and imposed up to five autonomous coalition governments: those of the Autonomous Community of Valencia, Castilla y León, Extremadura and Aragón and the last, Murcia. “Feijóo is doing badly because he can’t stand her, even though he respects Abascal,” the party said of the people’s leader.
Whether driven by personal urges or electoral interests, or a mixture of both, the Galician politician claims strategy is to pretend he doesn’t have a strategic alliance with Vox. This week, Abascal walked out of Congress celebrating “the new level of understanding between the PP and Vox,” while the PP chief struggled not to give him special status. “There are and will be disagreements at Vox. We are different parties. “It’s natural, democratic and it’s obvious that as different parties we can agree on how to diagnose and deal with important issues,” Feijóo said in the press room, although he put Vox in the category of “constitutionalist” parties.
The PP has gone to great lengths to secure Vox votes for Feijóo’s inauguration, a task the party attributes to the discreet efforts of Deputy Secretary Miguel Tellado. Without the support of the Ultras, Feijóo wouldn’t even be able to defend a worthy defeat at the Investiture. But even if he needs them, the leader of the PP seems determined not to clarify his relationship with those of Abascal, who act like a poison so that the PP can get other support. However, the other actors perceive this shadow play. PNV President Andoni Ortuzar reminded Feijóo that Vox was his “elephant in the room” and the reason why the Basque party flatly refused to approve his inauguration.
Reality is stubborn and the PP calls on Feijóo to clarify the relationship and strategy with the extreme right. He was asked to do so by the barons, whom he left free to negotiate the territorial pacts, which led to chaos. Some agreements were signed in full swing – like that of the Valencian Community – while others, like that of Murcia, came about after an arduous journey of failed resistance. And some leaders are urging him to do so, such as MP Cayetana Álvarez de Toledo, who in a forum in El Mundo criticized his “bipolar relationship” with Vox: “For a few days we made him the government’s preferred partner; others join in their demonization. A gift for Sánchez. Nothing strengthens Frankenstein more [en alusión al Ejecutivo de coalición] “That the PP’s doubts about an ally are inevitable today,” writes the parliamentarian.
Not alone. Many in the PP recognize that there is an urgent need to define a strategy, as the lack of a clear plan has cost Feijóo dearly in the elections. In Genoa they admit that the mess in the territorial pacts was a mistake because “the party’s position on some issues was not understood” and the majority opinion in the ranks of the population is that Vox prevented the resounding victory that they needed to govern. “Feijóo let the barons do it because he always wanted to be treated that way as president, but the coherence failed. Sánchez sacrificed his barons to remain in power, and Feijóo did the opposite: he let his barons flee and that killed him,” analyzes a leader of the first command ring at this stage. “The problem was that because of Vox’s rejection, we couldn’t eat everything we expected from the PSOE. The Vox election poster, which showed the feminist and LGTBI flags being thrown away, was key. “Many right-wing parents with homosexual children didn’t vote for the PP because they were afraid of it,” he summarizes a general analysis in the party.
What affects most is what happens closer. To make sure you don’t miss anything, subscribe.
subscribe to
The Barons also believe that a coordinated strategy is required. “Feijóo is very respectful towards us. So much so that there are people who criticize him because everyone does what they want. However, a coordination effort would have to be made. Rajoy was respectful of the barons, but he strengthened coordination,” recalls a regional PP president who shares a cabinet with Vox. “He didn’t tell us anything about what to do with Vox. And we need a strategy, but it has to be different in each area. The debate will open when the government is defined.” This president believes it will take time for the PP to find the key. “The Vox electorate consists of three parts: one consists of the votes taken from the PP; another, that of the former teetotalers and Francoists; and the third is that of the niches: that of farmers and ranchers, that of men who are angry with women, or those of the self-employed. That cannot be solved in two afternoons.”
Feijóo is not taking any action at the moment, also due to his inauguration at the end of the month he needs Vox. The leader of the PP is also unwilling to take risky moves, having suffered internal turmoil over some of his recent decisions, such as meeting junts that ultimately led to an abortion. His collaborators strive to continue navigating the vague. “The relationship with Vox is asymmetrical: we agree on many points and disagree on others. The PP has more in common with Vox than Sumar, but once the PSOE isolates you, you’re left with a possible partner. “The one who forced us to agree with the extreme right is the PSOE,” they argue in the leader’s direct team.
Some leaders are hoping that Feijóo will use the presidential candidate’s speech to put a clear distance from Vox and start defining a new strategy. It won’t be easy for him, because in the photo of this investiture he will also be shown next to the Ultras.
Subscribe to continue reading
Read without limits