Leonid Savin*, Prensa Latina employee
On September 12th of this year 2023, the Pentagon published an update of its cyber strategy and published its key points in a 15-page text. The rest of the document is confidential. This fourth iteration of the Pentagon’s strategy is known to implement the priorities of the National Security Strategy, the National Defense Strategy for 2022 and the National Cybersecurity Strategy for 2023. The text replaces the Defense Department’s cyber strategy for 2018 and is aimed at “setting a new strategic direction for this department.”
What is this address? Does it itself pose a potential threat to Russia? Yes, because from the first lines you can understand where it is going, and because from the prologue the focus is immediately placed on the war in Ukraine. It is remarkable how this conflict has exposed the very nature of warfare in cyberspace, and its lessons will shape the future development of our cyber capabilities.
Experience has shown that the accumulation or isolated use of cyber capabilities is unlikely to have a significant deterrent effect. On the contrary, these military capabilities are most effective when used in conjunction with other instruments of power, creating a deterrent element that exceeds the sum of all its components. Therefore, cyberspace operations represent an integral part of the military power of the United States and its allies and are linked to the main component of comprehensive deterrence.
The Pentagon also plans to use cyberspace operations to conduct campaigns, conduct restraint measures, disrupt or disrupt enemy activities below the level of armed conflict, and thereby ensure favorable security conditions. Additionally, enemy perception is closely monitored and the risk of involuntary escalation is managed. America’s global allies and partners form the backbone of the Department of Defense’s Cyber Strategy 2023.
The United States’ diplomatic and defense relationships represent a force multiplier that extends into cyberspace, enabling rapid coordination and understanding of potential threats. To this end, the document states: “…we will improve our efficiency and security in cyberspace by creating a community of nations with cyber capabilities and shared interests and values.” By combining international engagement with important institutional reforms and “Through technological investments in new cyber capabilities, the Pentagon will gain lasting advantages in cyberspace…”
This indicates the continued promotion of the policies of interventionist liberalism, the so-called “rules-based order,” and the promotion of the deepening of the digital divide. This gap, despite the calls of American politicians to reduce it and help developing countries, is being further deepened by the introduction of new sanctions against states and companies in the field of promising technologies (the USA is constantly implementing them against Russia, China and other countries) and through attempts to undermine technological development through targeted cyberattacks. The President of Russia spoke about the American establishment’s intention to prevent the development of other states in a speech at the Far East Economic Forum on September 12.
According to the new cyber strategy, the USA wants to use its already tested satellites again as part of its equipment against other sovereign powers and justify its actions with the efforts of a kind of coalition in the “fight for democracy”. As before, on other fronts of their intervention policy: military, political, diplomatic, informational and economic. The Pentagon has made it clear that these are additional elements of national power that will continue to be used in the future. All that matters is the level of penetration and impact: now US interventions will impact the Internet space (both global and governmental) as well as the various related sectors and therefore may also be vulnerable.
When it comes to enemies and threats, the United States’ overall approach has not changed significantly since the previous document. And despite revelations from Washington that Russia was not involved in any interference in the electoral process, the old meme about certain Russian hackers remains.
“…Russia remains a serious threat to the United States in cyberspace. Russia has engaged in malicious influence operations against the United States to manipulate and undermine confidence in the U.S. election. Russia is targeting critical infrastructure of the United States as well as the infrastructure of allies and partners. “It continues to improve its espionage, influence and offensive capabilities…” the strategy states.
Other challenges and threats continue to include China, Iran, the DPR Korea and extremist and transnational criminal organizations.
What exactly do you intend to do in the Pentagon to achieve the goals and counteract these threats, including fictitious ones?
“…The Department of Defense will prioritize developing our cyber workforce and improving the content and work of our cyber operators. In doing so, we will evaluate several alternatives to determine the size, structure, organization and training of the Cyberspace Operations Forces and their relationship to the Cyberspace Forces that continue to be deployed (…). The Pentagon will actively identify cybersecurity talent with experience in the military industrial sector, commercial information technology sector, academia, the intelligence community and the military sector. We ensure that incentive programs are adequately resourced and focused on the specific skills needed to recruit and retain employees (…). Where we cannot directly recruit the desired specialists, we will use rotation programs and expand collaboration with the private sector to ensure that the department has access to suitable staff (…). We will also expand the services’ capacity to implement effective talent management and professional development of employees working in cyberspace. We will encourage the development of expertise through a variety of options, including long travel commitments or repetitive requirements, rotations between mission areas, and career models that encourage the development of expertise. The department will also explore the possibility of deploying more reserve components as a way to exchange talent with the private sector, similar to the National Guard’s cyber units…” The document shows concern about the situation in the cyber specialist field, although one also can’t say the situation is bad. The United States Cyber Command already had the ability to attack certain targets, only the Pentagon wants to maintain its dominance and will work with companies and other government agencies to do so.
It is no coincidence that in early August 2023, the White House administration launched as an initiative the “Artificial Intelligence Cyber Challenge” competition, which lasts two years and is supervised by the Defense Advanced Technologies Agency (DARPA), which also has the participation of other companies such as Anthropic, Google, Microsoft and OpenAI.
At about the same time, on August 10, 2023, the U.S. Department of Defense is establishing the Lima Task Force to study generative artificial intelligence for defense (i.e., wartime) needs. It was managed by the Pentagon’s Directorate General of Digital Technology and Artificial Intelligence (CDAO) and, according to a statement: “…it will assess, synchronize and leverage the power of artificial intelligence generation across the Department of Defense, ensuring it remains.” “Stand at the forefront of cutting-edge technology while ensuring national security…”
Artificial intelligence is now actively used both in the field of the US military-industrial complex, for example for the use of drones or reconnaissance instruments, and as a weapon of information warfare.
A RAND Corporation study published in September 2023 on generative artificial intelligence used to manipulate social media states: “…the emergence of ubiquitous and powerful generative AI poses a potential threat to national security in terms of to the risk of abuse by US adversaries (particularly for social media manipulation), which the US government and the broader technology and policy community must now actively address. Although the authors focus on China and its People’s Liberation Army as a clear example of a potential threat, generative AI could be used to manipulate social media by a variety of actors, including technically complex non-state actors (both domestic and foreign). The opportunities and threats discussed from this perspective are probably also relevant for other actors, such as Russia and Iran, which are already involved in the manipulation of social networks…” .
Once again we are faced with an old narrative about enemies and threats that AI capabilities must be used against because potential enemies can supposedly use them against the United States.
It is therefore important to respond proactively and comprehensively to these initiatives and strategies. Both nationally and with partners who do not accept American hegemony in cyberspace.
(Translation from Russian: Oscar Julián Villar Barroso. Doctor of History and Full Professor at the University of Havana)
rmh/ls
*Associated scientific researcher at a Russian university
(Taken from selected signatures)