The remnants of Chile's constitutional vote, in which 55% rejected the right-wing proposal, have opened a dispute over the hegemony of the opposition against President Gabriel Boric. The Republican Party became the main political force in the council elections last May, so after the defeat in the referendum they are the main culprits and Chile Vamos, the formation of the traditional right, will try to regain the place of its electorate The Republicans have bitten from the extreme . As the coalition debates internally over how and when to make an impact, Republican leader José Antonio Kast reiterated his intention to run for president for a third time in 2025. In an interview with TVN, he added that it was up to him that he would not run against Chile Vamos in a primary.
Kast's strategy after the results was to acknowledge the defeat and emphasize that Gabriel Boric's government also has nothing to celebrate and is leveling the field of losers. By taking responsibility for 45% of the Yes options, it is at the same time trying to appropriate them, a vision that clashes with that of Chile Vamos, which unites the Independent Democratic Union (UDI), National Renewal (RN) and Evopoli- parties. They believe that 45% come from the entire sector and that if it were not for the “little joys” that the Republicans have made in it, such as exempting contributions to the first home or changing the regulation related to reproductive rights , you would have won the popular vote. The former presidential candidate of the traditional right, Sebastián Sichel, accused them of alienating moderates and trying to insert their identity into the text. “Leading is about coming together, not intimidating or imposing,” Sichel said.
The right's initial reactions to the referendum result pointed to an internal war. Former Republican council member Luis Silva, who chaired the bench during the trial, claimed that Mayor Evelyn Matthei, the main presidential candidate of the UDI and the traditional right, was “late to the campaign.” Matthei assured at the end of September that the proposal was “doomed to fail”, which came as a shock to his sector considering that it was the highest rated policy in Chile according to the Cadem survey. Eventually, Matthei rejected the idea of voting against and eventually joined their ranks, becoming one of the pillars of the pro campaign. His option lost in the vast majority of Chile's municipalities, including those he governs.
Chile Vamos tried this week to adopt a more dialogic stance with the Boric government than with the Republicans, although this was not enough for citizens to see a clear difference. Asked about the pension reform that the left-wing government wanted to bring back after the referendum and which has been discussed in Congress for 20 years, Kast said on TVN that “there is not much left” to implement it. “In two more years we will win the parliament and the presidency and show how we can move forward in social emergencies,” he said, slamming the door on negotiations to resolve one of citizens' main concerns.
The question is whether Chile Vamos will distance itself from the Republican Party in the short term or try to stay close enough to form a strategic alliance. Several voices within the party believe it is time to separate the disputes and not ignore the fact that Republican leadership cost them the lawsuit. According to DecideChile, 23% of those who voted for right-wing candidates in the Constitutional Council election voted against.
Kast is expected to face friendly fire not only from Chile Vamos, but also from a right-wing section of Republicans that has distanced itself from the constitutional process. A few weeks ago, Senator Rojo Edwards resigned from the Republican Party because he felt that the leadership was no longer focused on social emergencies, and after learning of the result of the popular vote, he stated: “There is 20% of the Opposition that supported freedom (…) In two more years there will be a government that defends freedom,” he added, hinting at his political ambitions.
The first electoral test that will determine the course are the local and gubernatorial elections in October 2024, for which – if there are primary elections – decisions must be made in May. So far, Renovación Nacional has expressed its interest in having the entire opposition to the Boric government have a single candidate in every municipality and region of the country. However, Gloria Hutt, leader of the right-wing liberal Evópoli party, ruled out an agreement with the Republicans this week. Analysts believe that Evópoli, the most moderate party on the right, is the one that distances itself most clearly from the extremes, but the other parties, especially the UDI, have a more difficult time because Kast comes from this formation and conquers part of it has its bases.
Chile Vamos still doesn't want to get into the mud of the presidential election, even though Kast is inevitably already forcing them to do so. Analysts see a complex scenario in 2025, when Chileans will vote for a new president and a new Congress at the same time. If Kast doesn't want to participate in a primary with Chile Vamos, it would be strange if they did so in the general election. And even if they agreed, there are voices within the traditional right who would resist because they are seeking re-election and are unwilling to cede a vacancy to a Republican.
For now, the Republican Party has returned to what it was before the popular vote: a formation of 12 representatives and one senator. Congress is their court and from there they promote a constitutional indictment against Housing Secretary Carlos Montes for his political responsibility in the Covenants case, the corruption conspiracy that prosecutors are investigating regarding the transfer of state funds to private foundations. especially in connection with the ruling party. It is another sign that Kast and his party want to retain control of the Chilean opposition after the referendum.