The future of the United Nations Mission in Mali (Minusma) seems more uncertain than ever. On Wednesday, the interim authorities ordered the expulsion of their spokesman, accused of spreading false information, while logistical problems mount at the scene.
After France and its European partners, will the United Nations have to leave Malian territory for their part? The question is on everyone’s lips after the expulsion of Olivier Salgado, spokesman for Minusma (United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali), was announced on Wednesday 20 July.
The authorities, who have been detaining 49 Ivorian soldiers considered “mercenaries” since July 10, accuse the organization’s representative of claiming “without any evidence” that Bamako had been informed of their arrival on Malian soil. This diplomatic crisis is set in a complicated military context for United Nations forces.
Already regarded as the world’s most dangerous UN mission, Minusma finds itself weakened today by the withdrawal of Barkhane, who has provided it with valuable air support. Another big shadow in the picture is the announcement by Egypt, one of its key partners, that it will suspend its contingent from mid-August following the “increase in attacks on its blue helmets”.
effectiveness disputed
If Olivier Salgado’s expulsion has brought to light the tensions between the Malian government and the UN agency, these are not new. “The UN is under the same criticism as Barkhane in Mali because enormous resources have been deployed in the Sahel with no tangible results for the population,” said a security expert in Mali on condition of anonymity.
Minusma has had a presence in Mali since 2013 and currently has 12,261 soldiers from 57 countries stationed there. Unlike the French (Barkhane) and European (Takuba) military missions, their mandate is limited to assisting the Malian authorities in securing the population and does not include combating terrorism.
A position criticized in September 2021 by Malian Prime Minister Choguel Maïga, who had called for a “more robust mandate” as well as “a change in attitude” for the UN force.
tensions over human rights
The mission also includes 1,718 police officers and 1,180 civilians, including human rights investigators. On May 30, Minusma published a report pointing to a sharp increase in abuses, sometimes attributed to the Malian army itself and aided “by foreign military elements”. An implied reference to Wagner’s Russian militiamen.
The Malian Foreign Ministry responded by condemning allegations that “are not based on solid evidence” and aim to “discredit” the Malian armed forces. While the UN Security Council approved the mission’s one-year extension on June 30, Mali has signaled it refuses to allow human rights investigators free movement without prior authorization. A decision announced in the name of Malian sovereignty, in violation of the criteria set by the UN in the framework of its missions.
Exposed rotations
Adding to these tensions over the issue of human rights was the case of the 49 Ivorian soldiers arrested at Bamako airport. Citing “national security,” authorities announced on July 14 the immediate suspension of Minusma’s rotations of military and police contingents “including those already planned or announced.”
A situation described by the organization as “extremely worrying” and stressing that the delays in the succession of these contingents are having an impact “in terms of operational efficiency” as well as the “morale of the uniformed staff”.
Blue Helmets deployed by UN partner countries are usually deployed for around six months before they are relieved and replaced by a new contingent.
However, in Mali, even before their rotation was suspended, many of them were forced to extend their missions from January to July 2022 due to the closure of borders as part of the sanctions imposed on Mali by ECOWAS.
Air support, “a critical point”
Another and last but not least important problem is the fear of the gap caused by the withdrawal of French forces from Barkhane, whose withdrawal from Mali has to be formalized at the end of August.
The closure of the French bases “necessarily removes a security bubble for the Minusma, because the presence of Barkhane had a certain deterrent effect on the jihadists,” affirmed the former chief of staff of the force Philippe Pottier last December.
While the French army intended to maintain its air support for the UN forces, Bamako called for their cessation, arguing that this agreement between France and Minusma was made without Mali’s consent. As a result, Barkhane air support was removed from the UN mission’s mandate.
“In such a large and dangerous theater of operations, this aspect is a critical point, both for the operational capabilities of the mission and for the security of the troops,” explains General Jean-Paul Paloméros, former Chief of Staff of the French Air Force. “This support makes it possible, in particular, to provide advance medical services, i.e. on site, and to evacuate the wounded. It is therefore indispensable for the morale of the task force.”
To compensate for these reduced resources, Minusma has issued an appeal to troop-contributing countries to provide helicopters “vital to protecting the mission” as well as “the civilian population”.
Concerned Contributors
In the face of this avalanche of difficulties, Minusma cowers. On July 20, she deeply regretted the sacking of her spokesman, while reaffirming her “determination to remain committed to the implementation of her mandate.” But some of the participating countries are now openly concerned about the risks their quotas face. With 177 deaths since 2013, Minusma is already the UN mission that suffers by far the most human losses.
On July 15, Egypt announced that it would indefinitely suspend the participation of its approximately 1,035 troops, effective August 15. This is one of the most numerous and respected among the Minusma’s most experienced contingents. A few days earlier, the country had expressed “concern at the increase in attacks on its peacekeepers,” which have claimed seven of their lives since the beginning of the year.
“Egypt’s decision represents a real risk for the future of the force because this type of announcement very often creates a domino effect,” stressed General Paloméros. “Risk analysis is an essential criterion for this type of mission because on the day a major attack hits the minusma, who bears the responsibility? It is the states that are accused by their people of endangering their troops.”
Mali’s ‘dangerous game’
For its part, the Malian government confirmed that it would reorganize the entire deployment strategy of the international armed forces after the affair involving the Ivorian soldiers. At the same time, he expressed his desire to continue cooperation with his international partners, including Minusma.
“The Malian authorities are playing a dangerous game. They know they need the support of UN forces, but they are terrified of an externally orchestrated coup,” explains the security expert from Mali who was contacted by France 24. “This obsession with defending sovereignty is a survival strategy for power, vis-à-vis foreign countries, but also vis-à-vis its own people, because it generates strong popular support.
While the Malian government has so far held back on a possible withdrawal from the UN mission, some of its supporters have opted for a much more offensive approach. On July 20, the Yerevolo Stands on the Ramparts sovereignist movement, which is said to be close to power, sent a letter to the mission’s command, demanding “the pure and simple withdrawal” of Minusma, who qualified as an “occupying power.”
This movement, which has already been the starting point for several large demonstrations in Bamako against the French military presence, called a popular rally in the capital on July 29 to urge peacekeepers to leave the territory before September 22, the anniversary of independence .