Shortly after the start of the war, Kadyrov loudly announced his support for the war – and announced the help of his special unit, the notorious Kadyrovtsy. This help was useful to Putin: even before, according to speculation after the televised meetings, those closest to him, including Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu, were much less enthusiastic about the war of aggression. And the reputation for unscrupulousness that precedes Chechen troops was probably also intended to intimidate enemy Ukraine. However, apart from Putin, Kadyrov seems to have few friends in Moscow’s elite – on the contrary.
Kadyrov is said to have been to Ukraine twice: in mid-March, he said he visited his troops north of Kiev. Despite videos and photos, doubts arose as to whether he was really there. It was reported on Monday that he was in the besieged city of Mariupol, again photos should confirm the trip. In both cases it was said that he would personally improve the tactics of the war.
questions about visits
But here too doubts arose: he was photographed with a Russian general who, according to Ukraine, had been killed a few days ago. And the network that owns the gas station where he was photographed does not exist in Ukraine.
Reuters/Chingis Kondarov Kadyrov on his alleged visit to Mariupol – behind him is his 14-year-old son Adam
In general, Kadyrov’s statements should be treated with caution. A few days ago, he had announced that his men had taken over the city hall of Mariupol. He later rowed back, it must have been an office building in an outlying district.
Chechens as a “Bogeyman”
The Chechen ruler apparently sees the war in Ukraine as an opportunity to strengthen his power and reputation by proving his loyalty to Putin – on whom he depends. Since coming to power, his role has been a “bogeyman,” a “constant threat to Putin’s enemies,” Russia expert Konstantin von Eggert told Al-Jazeera.
“Kadyrov has a long history of so-called ‘purge operations,’ and his fighters can be used as a psychological tool against peaceful Ukrainians,” Alexander Kvakhadze, a researcher at the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies, told The Guardian. : If you do not surrender, you could face the same fate as the peaceful cities of Georgia and Chechnya.”
Financially dependent on Moscow
In return, Moscow finances Chechnya. More than 80% of the budget comes from donations. There are also those for the Achmat Kadyrov Foundation, to which all Chechen employees and companies must also pay and with which Kadyrov maintains his ostentatious lifestyle. An analysis by the US research institute Foreign Policy Research Institute points out that Kadyrov met with Economy Minister Maxim Reshetnikov in late February, apparently because of Chechnya’s poor economic situation.
APA/AFP/Sputnik/Alexey Nikolsky Putin and Kadyrov at a meeting in the summer of 2019
Kadyrov mainly needs the money to keep his population under control. He cannot afford social unrest: “There are many thousands, perhaps tens of thousands, of Chechens who hate him, who resent him, and many families who have a smoldering blood feud against him and his family. So Kadyrov knows that if he wants to survive he needs the support of Russia and Vladimir Putin,” Emil Solomon Aslan of the Institute for Political Studies at Charles University in Prague told The Guardian.
total repression
Kadyrov has been in power in Chechnya since 2007. Along with his father Akhmad Kadyrov, he fought for the pro-independence side in the first Chechen war (1994-96) and changed sides in the second (1999-2009). Akhmat Kadyrov was elected president in a disputed election in 2003, but died in an attack a few months later.
Since coming to power, Kadyrov has suppressed and virtually eliminated political opposition, and human rights and freedoms have been largely abolished. He is accused of ordering torture and extrajudicial executions. Critics of his regime have also been murdered abroad – most recently in Austria in 2020.
Political Murders
Furthermore, traces of a series of murders of Russian politicians, journalists and human rights activists lead to Chechnya, for example journalists Anna Politkovskaya in 2006 and Natalija Estemirova in 2009, both criticizing Kadyrov. Five Chechens were sentenced to prison by opposition politician Boris Nemtsov, who was shot dead in Moscow in 2015 – but not the alleged masterminds.
According to Chechen sources, one of them, Ruslan Geremeyev, battalion commander of the “Sewer” regiment, fought in Mariupol – and was wounded. AN Video shows Kadyrov visiting his sickbed, apparently in Rostov-on-Don, that is, in Russian territory east of Mariupol.
Setbacks and almost no frontal deployment
Kadyrov’s alleged visits to the front are likely intended to maintain the reputation of Chechen troops. Because real combat missions seem to be in contrast to PR. In the early days of the war, a special force of about 400 men was crushed near Hostomel Airport near Kiev. Rumors circulated that Ukraine had received secret information from Russia about the landing of the troops. The notorious general Magomed Tushayev is said to have been killed, which the Chechen government has vehemently denied.
Reuters Chechen troops parade in their homeland
According to various media reports and military observers, Chechen troops are also hard to find on the front lines. Several pro-Russian separatist leaders have also complained that they too are not involved in the siege of Mariupol, in part because their equipment is useless, according to the Al-Jazeera report. Other experts argue that while special forces have experience suppressing civilian populations, they are inexperienced in “real” warfare.
PR war with photos and videos
Unlike Russian soldiers, Chechen troops carry cell phones, post on social media and describe the conflict as “war”. Disputes between Russian troops and Chechen units are also reported. These are mostly busy recruiting other fighters from their homeland to their posts, reportedly promised $1,000 a month.
From the mobile phone activities, it can be seen that they are not really in the contested area, but mostly 20 kilometers behind the front line, according to Kwachadze in The Guardian. A video aimed at bolstering troop strength was also fatal for several dozen fighters, according to Ukrainian sources: the camp could be located from the footage and it was attacked.
Kadyrov’s risky strategy
Kadyrov’s image is also at stake for another reason: Two battalions are fighting on Ukraine’s side, at least some of which are Chechen exiles. His power position would be weakened if these were successful. In general, the ruler’s plan is becoming riskier by the day. The more men he loses, the harder it will be to maintain his oppressive regime in Chechnya, according to an analysis by British online magazine Unherd, among others.
Reuters Grozny was destroyed in the second Chechen war – and then rebuilt with massive investment
Is Russia threatened with “Chechenization”?
On the other hand, this system could be extended to the Russian Federation. Grigory Shvedov, human rights activist and editor-in-chief of the Cawkasski news site Kawkasski Usel, which specializes in the Caucasus, told Al-Jazeera that repression will continue to increase in Russia as well, and that it will only be possible to maintain it. with paramilitary units. After “this tragedy in Ukraine”, the “Chechenization of Russian society” is likely to increase.