the two lessons from the american elections

the two lessons from the american elections

Joe Biden escaped ‘caning’ Barack Obama used this image to describe the Democrats’ defeat in the House of Representatives in 2010 during his first midterm elections. In his day, Bill Clinton could have done it on his own after the 1994 election.

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The soon-to-be 80-year-old president, uncomfortable with words, unpopular and burdened by a surge in inflation not seen in decades, can look down on his illustrious predecessors, with whom he is often compared to his detriment. Midway through his tenure, he adds this opposition to a formidable legislative tally. The deadlock that the likely loss of the House of Representatives at his side could produce before the situation becomes clearer for the Senate should now prevent him from going any further.

This legislative assessment will ultimately lead to a profound modernization of his country after Joe Biden leaves the White House, be it in terms of its infrastructure or its adaptation to the challenge of climate change. An important legacy for a regularly underestimated political figure.

The second lesson of Republican narrow-mindedness directly affects the conservative camp. The latter expected a vote of confidence, which did not materialize in the elections. Admittedly, he was able to capitalize on Joe Biden’s mistakes, including his initial misunderstanding of inflation that turned out to be sustained and severe. Republicans have been buoyed by high gas prices at the pump, arguably the most closely studied index in the United States, but their appeal clearly leaves something to be desired.

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The Grand Old Party has only themselves to blame. By showing itself unable to resist pressure from Donald Trump and his delusional thesis of a rigged presidential election to explain his undeniable defeat in 2020, the Republican Party has locked itself in an impasse.

A mistake already made

Republican Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell was not wrong to worry about the “quality” of the candidates the former president has pushed in the primary, particularly in the race for Senate control. The Prince’s and Donald Trump’s penchant for flamboyant candidatures, straight out of TV or frankly conspiratorial, led to unconvincing results.

The disappointments that were recorded in states such as Michigan and Pennsylvania in the night from Tuesday to Wednesday bear witness to this. Conservatives would probably have had more success with characters that were more conventional or simply better suited to fulfilling the functions they claimed.

This mistake is all the more remarkable given that the Grand Old Party made it a decade ago, at the height of the Tea Party quasi-insurgency wave. Even then, seditious candidates had won the primary test before suffering crushing rejections in the general election.

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The Republican Party has always been a “big tent,” according to the established formula, in which different sensitivities can coexist. The pursuit of ideological purity and the notorious denunciation of paper republicans (republicans in name only) have rarely brought him happiness. Today no more than the internal persecution of elected officials who are considered insufficiently loyal to the defeated year 2020.

With the 2024 presidential election cycle already beginning at a frenetic pace that is a democratic plague, the hour of renewal seems imperative for the two major parties for very different reasons. Democrats need to look for a replacement because years, not his tally, are catching up with Joe Biden. On the contrary, if Republicans want to win, they must break with at least part of what defines them today and what sums up the name Donald Trump.

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