Here, as elsewhere at the beginning of the year, the muscles can be seen on the far right.
Almost a year after Ottawa was laid siege by truckers violating health restrictions, David Morin, a professor at the University of Sherbrooke and co-director of the Observatory on Radicalization and Violent Extremism, answers our questions.
Members of the Farfadaas were on trial in Montreal this week for blocking the Louis-Hippolyte-La Fontaine bridge tunnel in 2021. What is the place of this small group in the extreme right ecosystem?
It is a grouping that emerged from the split in the pack, the large group of identity rights interested in immigration, on the Islam question. After several coup attempts within the group, one of the leaders, Steve l’Artiss Charland, decided to found the Farfadaas, which adhere to the idea of right-wing identity, but above all have an anti-government component. The band has gained much favor during the pandemic. His greatest achievement is serving with his base camp on the brink of the Ottawa siege. It’s a small group that spans identity law, anti-government and conspiracy. And there the group is overtaken by a series of actions, including their stunt in the Louis-Hippolyte-La Fontaine tunnel. This is symptomatic of the right-wing groups that have sprung up in Quebec. You are part of this ecosystem.
David Morin is Co-Director of the Observatory on Radicalization and Violent Extremism.
Photo: Radio Canada
There are also other groups including the Storm Alliance and the Soldiers of Odin that are more discreet. The Proud Boys are also more cautious as they are considered a terrorist group in Canada. Finally, there are also people who are more likely to resort to violence, e.g [ceux des attentats] in Quebec, in London. It is the rise of violent right-wing extremism. It’s rather marginal, but it’s still a concern. These are the two facets of the same coin that feed off of each other.
The Bolsonarist invasion of Congress, the storming of the Capitol by Donald Trump supporters in the United States in January 2021. Is a coup of this magnitude possible in Canada?
We said no until the convoy to Ottawa, which was set to become a Canadian style on January 6th. It doesn’t have the same violent scope, but the movement was instrumentalized by the alt-right; one party even called for the resignation of the Trudeau government. Of course, political movements and unrest around the world are nothing new, but what they all have in common is a lack of trust in the democratic institutions themselves. We oppose politics. this ability [de certains groupes ou individus] To mobilize people for alternative narratives. We see it in Russia […] In the United States we see it with voter fraud integrated by 60-70% of Republicans. Then how can we build on that? And Bolsonaro wants to do that in Brazil.
Supporters of Donald Trump storming the Capitol on January 6, 2021.
Photo: Getty Images/Brent Stirton
I have the impression that the political class in Canada is a bit more responsible and aware of the importance of saying nothing and everything. So we have to watch where it goes [le chef conservateur Pierre] Poilievre, because we saw him hunt a bit in the countries of the reactionary right and conspiracy theorists during the election campaign for the leadership of the Conservative Party. So if he’s elected, will he return to a very reasonable speech, or will he be tempted to point the difference with Trudeau and thereby polarize the debate? For me, that’s going to be important because we’re still seeing that there’s a certain Americanization of the political scene in Canada and Quebec.
A year ago you said that the authorities had underestimated the degree of organization of radical right-wing groups. We heard last fall at the State of Emergency Commission, chaired by Judge Paul Rouleau, that the police had even leaked information to the protesters. Is it worrying?
Indeed, in recent years we have become aware that the extreme right could actually be dangerous. From 2017 to 2018 we saw reports and police training appear on the far right, except it takes years for them to trickle down to the grassroots police force. Did we give them the means? I’m nuanced. Among the guards who came to testify [la commission Rouleau à] Ottawa, we’ve seen some complacency about this threat from hearing these speeches from their ranks. We have very, very few radical Islamists in the police force, but that’s why we find these speeches [de la droite radicale].
Efforts have been made to try to address this threat, but I think we are far from seeing it as as dangerous as the threat [islamiste] Extremist. Even among elected officials, some take a positive view of these speeches. I have the feeling that [les événements à Ottawa] show us that not only has the threat been underestimated, but that complacency persists. Police officers said: They like us [à propos des manifestants]. We don’t hear that [des policiers] with students or natives.
Does the rise of the far right worry you for the coming months or even years?
Yes, and inflation worries me. A very right-wing, victim-oriented discourse is one thing, but even when there are people who have something to lose, who are directly affected by changing socio-economic conditions, there will be risky phases. We see increasing polarization over the two years of the pandemic. On the one hand, the pandemic seems to be calming down, opening a breath; If, on the other hand, we are caught up in an economic or ecological crisis, this accelerates the polarizing discourse. And the right understood that very well and exploited it. Those who believe in conspiracy theories are not going to let up anytime soon.
The story is cyclical and there we have massive misinformation on social media which is fueling the issues. Ottawa would not have been possible without the networks. In Brazil, the Bolsonarists [les ont utilisés] to mobilize and attack democratic institutions. And elsewhere in Europe too. We are in a period shaped by the extreme right that will last for several decades.
This interview has been edited and shortened for clarity.