Holocaust deniers, neo-Nazis disguised as senderistas or historical fascists who do business with a former chief inspector of the national police. Together with Revuelta, the phantom association that Vox uses to promote protests against the PSOE, this is the x-ray of the small ultra groups that have shown strength in the mobilizations against the amnesty:
National Democracy: Children of Denialism
National Democracy President Pedro Chaparro boasts that in 2010 he was the first young man to give a lecture at the Europa Bookstore, an incubator for Holocaust deniers run in Catalonia by neo-Nazi Pedro Varela.
At 37 and with four children, Chaparro now gathers in front of Ferraz’s socialist headquarters in Madrid. For more than a week he has been giving the cornea two hours a day. Because he is in the third degree of prison, he moves around with an electronic ankle bracelet that monitors his movements and requires him to spend at least eight hours at home. The Supreme Court sentenced him to two years and nine months in prison in 2020 for boycotting a Catalan Generalitat event at the Blanquerna Cultural Center in Madrid in 2013 along with 13 other attackers. He says he has only been in prison for six months. “The prisons adapt to my schedule,” explains the spokesman for this unrepresented party, which claims to have “7,000 active members” and does not specify how many pay the monthly fee of 10 euros. “It is sensitive information,” he explains.
Founded in 1995 from the ashes of Cedade – a historical international reference of Nazism based in Barcelona and sponsored by the Belgian fascist León Degrelle, a friend of Hitler – and the embers of Radical Action – a Nazi collective that spread hatred in Valencia in the 1990s. To drug addicts, immigrants and homosexuals – national democracy has written its history out of controversy. In 2021, the party’s youth called for the release of Josué Estébanez, a former neo-Nazi soldier who was sentenced to 26 years in prison for the 2007 murder of anti-fascist Carlos Palomino in the Madrid subway.
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When asked about the party’s ideological beacon, Chaparro answers clearly: the former MEP and founder of the neo-fascist Forza Nuova, Roberto Fiore. Fiore, a former fugitive convicted in absentia by the Italian justice system, joined the ranks of the Revolutionary Armed Nucleus (ARN), an organization involved in the Bologna attack in which 85 people died in 1980.
When asked whether he believes the Holocaust resulted in the deaths of six million Jews, Chaparro remains silent.
Spain 2000: Public money and dealings with a former chief inspector of the National Police
At 69, José Luis Roberto, lawyer and security contractor, has lost his place as a reference for extremists. Since more than two decades ago he founded España 2000, a formation of 2,500 militants based in Valencia that advances the anti-immigrant discourse and, in the mirror of the French National Front, follows the trail of this admirer of the great man of national fascism Ramiro Ledesma Ramos has disappeared. The emergence of Vox and an internal split that emerged in 2020 with the creation of the Make a Nation party ended the days of wine and roses for this group, which won six councilors in four municipalities in Madrid’s Corredor del Henares in 2015. Today there is a lack of representation.
Roberto associates the megaphone in front of the PSOE headquarters in Valencia with business. The former secretary general of the Anela brothel association and head of España 2000 appears as a representative of Levantina de Seguridad SL, a company founded in 1979 with 250 employees that achieved a turnover of 6.2 million in 2021, according to the commercial register. Since 2017, his conglomerate has received at least 900,000 euros in public money. The Geological and Mining Institute of Spain (550,000 euros); the Ramón Pignatelli Student Residence and Study Center, dependent on the Provincial Council of Zaragoza (159,436); and the Economic and Financial Delegation of Tarragona (125,928) were its main contractors, according to the contracting platform.
In an interview with EL PAÍS, the leader of Spain 2000 reveals his business relationships:
—Since we founded our Levantina de Seguridad subsidiary in the Dominican Republic, Lanceros, Ricardo Ferris has been one of the three partners [hasta 2022 inspector jefe de la Policía Nacional].
According to the D&B trade database, Lanceros began operating in the Caribbean country more than a decade ago. This newspaper tried unsuccessfully to obtain the National Police version. And Ferris won’t come to the phone. “If the investment was in a screw factory nothing would happen, but since it is a security company it is a blatant irregularity. Reason for the expulsion,” says a former chief inspector of the state police.
Spain 2000 leader José Luis Roberto (left) and former inspector Ricardo Ferris (right) flank an employee of Lanceros, a subsidiary of Levantina de Seguridad in the Dominican Republic, in an undated photo.
Last year, the Interior Ministry removed Ferris as head of Valencia’s central police station after the command linked immigration and crime through hoaxes in a Vox conference.
FACTA: Fascists with backpacks
The self-employed businessman Carlos San Frutos Sevilleja combines the management of the bookstore El Rincón Hispánico in Madrid with the leadership of this group that attracts dozens of young people with the lure of mountain routes.
His movement spreads neo-Nazi and fascist material online through a company that was founded in 2016 under the guise of “selling clothing,” according to the commercial register. Its offerings include Confederate flags, a supremacist emblem of the Southern United States that fought to maintain slavery; Towels themed on Werewolf, a military unit of the Third Reich created to combat the Allied advance with assassinations and sabotage; or T-shirts from the Greek neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn.
Mountain march organized by Facta in an undated picture of the organization.
Since 2021, former Cesid agent (formerly CNI) Diego Camacho and Air Force Colonel Carlos Martínez-Vara de Rey have been attending its conferences. Also prominent figures of neo-fascism such as the founder of the Terza Posizione group, Gabriele Adinolfi, who fled Italy after being linked to the Bologna train station attack in 1980, which killed 85 people.
“Our time has come,” San Frutos warned last February to a hundred people at Madrid’s La Almudena cemetery during a tribute to the Blue Division, the unit of 45,000 Spanish volunteers who fought alongside the Third Reich against the Soviets in the Second Reich Troops fought World War.
Although Facta has not entered the political arena, its leader has dabbled in ultra candidacies. After running for National Democracy in 2008 and 2009, San Frutos was active in the neo-fascist organization Student Response. With 1,500 followers on Telegram, the businessman declined to respond to this newspaper.
Creating a Nation: Patriotic Hope
“They are the only ones who have strength.” This is how a former ideologue from a right-wing extremist group describes the rise of Hace Nación, a party with two city councilors in Velilla de San Antonio (Madrid, 12,193 inhabitants), which emerged from a split from España in 2000 is.
With tentacles in Madrid, Jaén and Asturias, the origins of this group, which unites around thirty militants in Ferraz, must be sought in small groups such as the Jaén-based Iberia Cruor, a youth association with a neo-fascist aesthetic that promotes itself videos by Pedro Varela .
34-year-old Mario Martos, a political science graduate and candidate for financial engineer, is the secretary general. He assures that he is dragging 500 militants with him. A legion of young people between 25 and 35 years old, most of whom are lawyers and employees of large companies. Financing comes from monthly contributions of 10 euros and donations. In the last local elections, the group raised 12,000 euros this way.
Supporters of Making a Nation in an undated image.
“Making a Nation” has attacked immigration, transgender law and the 2030 Agenda. And during his time, historical ex-fighters from Cedade such as Laureano Luna and emerging figures from the Ultra groups appeared. Among them is Thaïs d’Escufon of Génération Identitaire, a small anti-Islam group that was disbanded by the French government two years ago because it received donations from members of supremacist and racist organizations such as Brenton Tarrant, which attacked Muslims in 2019 . in Christchurch (New Zealand).
The Falangists: Nostalgia and Legal Puddles
The leader of the Spanish Falange and the Jons, 47-year-old civil servant Norberto Pico, mobilizes 50 comrades every day in Ferraz. His blue militia is part of a team of 1,000 members, funded by contributions of 15 euros, dinners, lottery sales and donations (10,000 euros in the last election). With him, the leader of the other Joseanton faction, Manuel Andrino from La Falange, also goes to the socialist headquarters. Convicted of the attack on the Blanquerna bookstore, Andrino refused to speak to EL PAÍS, the newspaper that revealed that he was arrested in 2015 for illegal possession of weapons and through the network of Civil Guard colonel Rodolfo Sanz Sánchez, Rudolf , had obtained a pistol.
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