The main scene of Mario Draghi’s fall was not in Parliament. The political assassination was planned about 20 kilometers away, on the comfortable sofas of the sumptuous veranda of the Villa Grande, Franco Zeffirelli’s old mansion on the outskirts of Rome. The house is now owned by Silvio Berlusconi, who helped the director in his last years to overcome his financial problems in exchange for future ownership of the villa. This is where the meetings between La Liga and Forza Italia took place, which decided the future of the legislature. Il Cavaliere, an 85-year-old man who was facing increasing pressure from some members of his entourage, was absent from the scene. But his partners suggested it, and he gave the thumbs-up. A move that goes against the moderate and European character of Forza Italia and destroys the game. Were it not for the seriousness of the situation, it could be called the latest prank from the Mediaset owner.
The crisis was opened by the 5 Star Movement (M5S) a week ago when they decided not to vote on the first confidence motion. But the anti-system party was no longer a problem. Draghi and the President of the Republic, Sergio Mattarella, almost decided to continue with or without the anti-system party. The problem came unexpectedly from the right front and despite calls coming in – including from Draghi himself – Berlusconi was unwilling to support him.
Forza Italia was born in 1994 as a reaction to the crisis in the Italian institutions with the Mani Pulite corruption case. It was a halfway experiment between advertising firm and political farmhouse that allowed Silvio Berlusconi to become Italy’s prime minister three times. Its ideological spectrum, despite the fact that the ultimate goal was always to protect its founder’s companies, was that of a moderate and pro-European right wing responding to a particular business world. As a member of the European People’s Party, the foundation was always based on the postulates of this large family. The beheading of Draghi, for which Berlusconi is directly responsible, now opens a huge void in Forza Italia, where resignations have already begun (two of the executive ministers have announced their departure), and places him outside the circle of what he has always defended. In short, the last favor to his great friend Vladimir Putin, the Russian leader.
Berlusconi and Putin in Crimea.AD (AP)
Renato Brunetta, one of the resigning ministers and politicians who for decades was one of Berlusconi’s most important and loyal aides, exploded on Thursday. “I’m not leaving, it’s Forza Italia that’s leaving me. Or what’s left of her denial of her story. By not voting on the motion to support Draghi, my party has abandoned its founding values. Those who have imposed their particular interests on those of the country are irresponsible,” he wrote on his social media. Another party heavyweight, Mariastella Gelmini, made a similar statement. Both indicated that in the future they will seek protection in the acronyms that answer these “betrayed” values.
Berlusconi, already somewhat exhausted from strength and political clarity, has long suffered under the pressure of two inner currents in his party. The one that defended the old idea of stability, represented by the ministers in the outgoing executive, and the one that has now taken control, led by Senator Liza Ronzulli and supported by former President of the European Parliament Antonio Tajani, much closer to the populism of the League and promoter of government breach. This group convinced Il Cavaliere of the unique opportunity that snap elections could present right now.
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Today’s promiscuity between La Liga and Forza Italia is total. Some sources believe they may even agree on a unified list at the next election. The idea would respond to the need to get more votes than Giorgia Meloni, leader of the Friars of Italy and third member of the right-wing coalition. By doing so, they would prevent her from becoming prime minister and it would be La Liga leader Matteo Salvini, who is much closer to Berlusconi and his personal interests, who would hold that position. The problem is that in politics, one plus one doesn’t usually equal two. Many of Forza Italia’s traditional voters would leave the formation outraged by the loss of identity and the populist current. A reaction similar to that already experienced by many of its members while surprising Berlusconi’s position among his first cousins in Europe.
Italy will hold elections on September 25th. And one of the schemes that the parties supporting Draghi’s continuity are already planning is that of the two electoral blocs: those who overthrew the government that implemented the reforms Italy needed and those who unwittingly overthrew it and pleased Russia.
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