Minister Antonia Orellana Guarello (Santiago de Chile, 33 years old) heads the Women and Gender Equality portfolio of Gabriel Boric’s government, where she is pushing a four-axis agenda: Kindergarten for Chile, Equal Pay, Comprehensive Anti-Violence Law and Welfare Systems. Social Convergence Militant, the same party as the President, forms the political committee where the President makes important policy decisions. Of all the secretaries of state that make up this group – the interior ministers, the secretariat general of government, the secretariat general of the presidential office, finance, labor and the women’s ministry itself – Orellana is the only representative of the broad front. The youngest in the cabinet had a recognized career in feminism before joining the executive branch, which made her debut in March 2022. She is considered an influential voice within the government – the first in Chile to openly declare itself a feminist – and not just in areas related to her own portfolio. She is very close to President Boric politically and across generations and after 15 months is the only one from her close circle who still remains in the first ring of power. In this interview, taking place from her office in downtown Santiago, Chile, the minister discusses the political emergency facing the government, the Republican victory in the Constitutional Council (the conservative right-wing) elections, and the challenges for the new generation of the left. On a cold, dark and rainy afternoon in the capital, the minister drinks coffee from a cup.
Questions. How would you describe the political moment in Chile?
Answer. A good qualifier is: intense. Chile is recovering from a crisis that began with the social outbreak of 2019 but quickly changed character with the pandemic. Just last September we lifted the mask and this year we are already facing a decline in the inflation curve – not only has it stopped rising, but it is already stabilizing – which is a sign of how we are normalizing the country.
Q President Boric said his priorities have changed because his perception of Chile’s problems has changed since his arrival in La Moneda. What is this exactly? Does that mean more pragmatism?
R The President said the beliefs remained the same but the priorities in day-to-day management had changed. That seems healthy to me, because what comes out of the exercise of governance of a country is always a matter of chance. And the contingency in our country is largely driven by the security crisis and the rise in homicides, which certainly did not start in March 2022 but have gained greater visibility. This may not be the best thing for the government’s popularity, but in order to deal decisively with the security crisis and the organized crime slump, society needs to be alerted. Often these groups benefit from the silence.
Q To what extent does the election results – the September referendum and the May elections – so negative for the left and the government explain this shift in priorities?
R In particular, with regard to the assumption that safety should dictate the course of government, this comes ahead of the referendum results because we noticed it from day one. For example, when we arrived, people from the north felt completely helpless. And it remains to be seen whether the outcome of the Constitutional Council elections in May will be linked to the outcome of the September 2022 referendum.
Q What does it refer to?
R Several hypotheses are circulating. At this moment in Chile there is an anti-elite movement that transcends any political position and whoever administers power with the greatest presence pays for it. And in this case, the government is the preferred target for those who feel this discomfort.
Q And what happened in Chile? Do you see it as a punishment for those who have power just because they have it?
R It’s never just one thing. I don’t even think the right is really convinced that Republicans represent a new social majority. They are all ready to fight for hegemony in their own sector. But I believe they are mixed and that for several years – in the North for more than a decade – we have had more than a pendulum of ideological positions and have a situation where those outside the establishment deserve more votes. That happened with those who broke away from the traditional parties, with the Broad Front, then with the People’s List, and now with the Republicans who position themselves as outsiders.
Q Is the triumph of the hardest right a cultural as well as a political failure for the new generation of the left that has only recently come to power, yours?
R I see many people who want to blame our generation. But if you look at the results of the Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP) poll following the results of last September’s referendum, there is nothing to suggest that what some keep calling identity politics was the main cause of the defeat. Abortion, for example, was not one of the first reasons for rejection, but the behavior of the voters.
Q A new generation of the left is rushing to the front lines of power in less than a decade, and the far right is advancing. Any guilt? What spaces has the left left open for this to happen?
R Calling it a special feature of Chile does not mean looking at the international context. It is happening in many places and testifies to a situation that goes beyond the country. And second, there are many things that go into this, not just a government effort, which by the way can be scored poorly and earn points for those who show the toughest resistance.
Q How do you explain the bad assessment of the government you are talking about?[el presidente Boric tiene una popularidad en torno al 30%, de acuerdo a diferentes sondeos].
R There are problems and inconveniences in Chile that are difficult to deal with in the short term. For example, the legitimacy crisis of the institutions. This will not be resolved in three months. The Migration and Humanitarian Crisis: This is something that has – it disturbs the right that we say it – put us in a catastrophic state. And it took a lot of effort and resources to even regain control of the border. And that’s exactly why it surprises me when people say that we are a government that is not willing to deviate from its positions.
Q For example?
R We sent soldiers to the border. Precisely because of the security situation and the lack of border controls, this government mobilized more soldiers than many others. I don’t see this as an inflexible government.
Q What was the cost of this kind of action for the government with its own world, with the bases of the Broad Front and the Communist Party?
R If you look at the election results [de la última elección de Consejeros Constitucionales], it was neither the Broad Front nor the Communist Party that lost votes. Our constituency and our political base understand the situation in which we are taking over the leadership of the country.
Q Broad-Front academic Noam Titelman has said that there is a lot of talk about government moderation, but the first thing that needs to be moderated is ego, and that he believes there has been “a growing moderation of ego” over the past few months. Is it harder to manage power in the executive branch?
R If someone’s exercise of power doesn’t change, maybe it’s because they’re stubborn and stupid. It is obvious that this is a position very different from that of any other political activity.
Q Republicans take very conservative positions. For example, they are against abortion. Where was the feminist force seen on the streets since 2018 in Chilean feminist Mayo?
R It is a mistake today to assume that someone who votes for another person fully adopts their set of beliefs and propositions. It is clear in the times we live in that voting is not so ideological. And that goes for both Republicans and us. In second place, gender equality is the government’s top rated management point, both in surveys such as Cadem and in internal polls. And the government continues to enjoy greater support from women – particularly the younger ones – than from men. And therefore there is no need to rush with hypotheses. But I also believe that people experience contradictory situations: someone can be pro-abortion, someone can be anti-AFP [las empresas que administran las pensiones] and vote for a Republican [de la extrema derecha]because he is upset. Assuming that people hold rocky and unambiguous positions is a mistake.
Q In other words, the victory of the extreme right, in his opinion, was despite their most conservative positions on individual liberties.
R It is evident that they have moderated their discourse since their triumph on May 7th. Indeed, they have expressly avoided referring to issues of sexual and reproductive rights.
Q A few weeks ago in Chile, a centre-left leader of the PPD, Natalia Piergentili, criticized the ruling party for continuing to speak to minorities, to the “hairy monkeys”, to the 30%, to “the compañeros and all these leseras”. ” and for losing the majority appeal. What do you think?
R It is unfortunate for the history of the PPD, whose leaders, particularly women, encouraged opening up of the left on these issues in the 1990s. Second, this reading of identity politics versus universals is not so new. I know Noam Titelman is publishing his book that there might be analysts who haven’t commented on it, but it’s the same reading as the conservative democrats when Hillary Clinton lost, the parts of central Brazil when Bolsonaro won what was raised years ago in the PSOE when Vox came up. And thirdly: I resist, if only for methodical reasons, when someone tells me that women are an identity. Women make up more than half of the population.
Q A few weeks ago the Ministry of Labor was in chaos. An undersecretary of state, Christian Larraín, was fired over a sexual harassment complaint and accused him of “cancellation policies”. What happened there, Minister?
R In this case, a summary is already being prepared and it is not our responsibility to refer to it during the investigation.
Q Is there a government termination policy for an officer who was fired before an investigation was opened after a sexual harassment complaint was received?
R Anyone entering the political profession knows that the positions are not very stable. And we are all at risk of the President asking us to resign. We do not have the same labor rights as the rest of the workforce and it is good that we do, because the authorities are required not only to have administrative powers – which is assessed on the basis of a summary – but also political trust. How we react shows more courage.
Q But an official loses the president’s trust over an uninvestigated complaint. Isn’t it rushed?
R It’s not my job to limit the President’s decisions.
Q Actress Luz Croxatto told Sábado magazine this weekend: “I’ve always considered myself a feminist, but if I don’t now find that the man is a male rapist who needs to be punished, that’s like not being me qualified.” What do you think? Is the ministry aware of this Chilean feeling?
R Feminism has different forms of expression, it is diverse and anything but homogeneous. Within this diversity there are different stories, experiences and of course different opinions. It is important to understand that feminism is a journey and not an end point. Advances in the gender agenda have been developed with regard to the horizons of each society, but also taking into account the struggles of previous generations. Our grandmothers and ancestors dreamed of studying, voting or raising their voices. Today we are called to defend and preserve these achievements in order to deepen them for the sake of those that follow.
Q A few days ago there was a controversy: a Republican congressman sent you a letter questioning you about a project for illustrators who had won a contest fund, and you replied that “ignorance of the clitoris is a public health problem,” which is a big one sparked debate. how do you explain it
R It’s manual Bolsonarism. A letter of inspection is presented, answered without remarks, and yet something is sought that will generate controversy, it is highlighted through a medium, it is reproduced through digital platforms, it is presented as if it had been an interview, if it’s an interview. Very limited initiative within a competition fund that finances various civil society initiatives. And everything happens in two days. We can say that today thanks to this Parliamentary office [y esto lo dice ya bromeando]Many more Chilean men and women are familiar with the clitoris.