Comment on this story
comment
In Indonesia, Chinese President Xi Jinping shook President Biden’s hand and smiled warmly. He recalled a visit to Canberra with Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese. In Thailand, he told Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha that the two should visit “as often as relatives” and assured Taiwanese envoy Morris Chang that he “looks fine” after hip surgery.
After nearly three years of seclusion within his own borders, Xi finds himself on a global charm offensive. In the six weeks since he secured a new term as head of the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese military that paved the way to indefinite rule, he has formally met with at least 26 leaders from every continent.
The campaign continues even as Xi faces a wave of internal disagreements unseen in decades, sparked by the “zero Covid” policy, which he has personally championed to keep the coronavirus at bay within his borders to keep.
Hours after protesters rallied in Beijing last week – some declared, “We don’t want a dictatorship!” – he held a welcoming ceremony for Mongolian President Ukhnaagiin Khurelsukh several miles away. And on Thursday, as police in numerous cities knocked on people’s doors and arrested them for taking part in demonstrations, Xi met with European Council President Charles Michel and called for “peaceful coexistence” between China and China The European Union.
This new stance deviates from the combative “wolf warrior” style that Xi’s nation has become known for during the pandemic. It’s a sign that even China’s most ideological leader can become pragmatic in decades, working to repair strained relations and improve a damaged international image.
China wants to improve relations with the US, but it will not take the first step.
“The world is changing and China is changing. Chinese diplomacy must now consider how to prevent strategic misjudgments and unnecessary international tensions and conflicts,” said Liu Jiangyong, a professor of international relations at Beijing’s Tsinghua University.
But “xiplomacy” — as state media call his stewardship of the country’s foreign policy — is essentially about competing with the United States and its allies, bolstering its legitimacy at home, containing domestic unrest and paving the way for China’s rise as a socialist to pave the way for a superpower on a less hostile world stage.
At a welcome dinner during last month’s G20 summit in Bali, Xi spoke with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in their first public meeting since deadly clashes between Chinese and Indian soldiers at the China-India border in 2020. Xi met with Albanese on the sidelines of the event after years of deteriorating relations caused by the The Chinese state media ridiculed Australia’s as “gum sticks to China’s shoe”.
Most notable was Xi’s three-hour meeting with Biden. This encounter was observed so closely that it almost became a peak within a peak in its own right, with possible consequences. The two leaders showed an eagerness to prevent increases Tension leads to conflict. They agreed to resume stalled talks on issues like climate change and to prepare for a visit by US Secretary of State Antony Blinken to China.
Xi continued to travel to the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Conference in Bangkok and, in a one-on-one meeting with Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, urged that the two traditional rivals see each other as “partners, not a threat.”
“Xi’s pragmatic turn is self-serving and intended to strengthen China’s hand in pursuing its long-term goals.” said Amanda Hsiao, senior China analyst at the International Crisis Group. “China still finds itself in a protracted battle with the US, but detente now – perhaps temporarily – will help Beijing compete with Washington in the long run.”
During the many months China has physically Shutting itself off from the world over the coronavirus, officials have aggressively resisted criticism of the country’s role in the pandemic, its repression of Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities in Xinjiang province, its crackdown on pro-democracy supporters in Hong Kong, and its escalation Threats against Taiwan and its support for Russia during President Vladimir Putin’s war in Ukraine.
‘New tankman’: Rare Beijing protest mars Xi Jinping’s moment
During this time, Xi had only spoken to his counterparts by telephone. In September, he traveled abroad to visit Kazakhstan for the first time in almost three years, and then attended the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Samarkand, Uzbekistan.
In early November, Xi welcomed German Chancellor Olaf Scholz to Beijing and urged the two countries to find common ground and work together at a time of “change and chaos.” He used a similar tone in comments after his meetings at the G-20.
“Xi Jinping in Bali was not a wolf warrior. Wolf warrior diplomacy is more bitter, furious, and perceptive. This seems to convey a response to a sense that China is losing the global PR game,” said Neysun Mahboubi, a research scholar at the University of Pennsylvania’s Center for the Study of Contemporary China.
The renewed focus on diplomacy is also a way for Xi, 69, to strengthen his hand at home at a crucial time. His administration faces potentially crippling US export restrictions targeting Chinese technology, an economic slowdown and a surge in public anger over draconian pandemic lockdowns.
Critics abroad and, to a limited extent, within China have accused him of pushing back his country. His high-profile meetings with world leaders are said to help legitimize his power. The images have filled Chinese front pages and trended on social media.
“It is the glorification and validation of his third term,” said Yun Sun, director of the China program at the Stimson Center in Washington. “The aim was to show a grandiose return of China and itself onto the world stage. China is back and Xi is back, stronger.”
With record Covid cases, China is scrambling to close an immunity gap
Meanwhile, the state media failed to mention the demonstrations challenging his power – the largest such gatherings since the 1989 pro-democracy protests that ended in a massacre around Tiananmen Square. Solidarity rallies in cities outside of China, where participants also denounced Xi’s leadership, were also ignored.
Neither Xi nor other senior party officials have directly addressed the unrest. How much it might weaken his hand in dealing with other world leaders is unclear.
That notwithstanding, Xi’s shift in tone abroad is unlikely to truly reduce the potential for conflict unless accompanied by substantive policy changes. China’s positions on hot spots remain unchanged, including Taiwan, which Beijing claims as its own territory and will take over by force if necessary, and its territorial claims in the South China Sea.
“Xi’s view is really tit for tat. If you get involved, they will get involved. If you want to strike, Xi will strike,” said Jessica Chen Weiss, China expert at Cornell University. “We can look back and see Bali as a tipping point where it could start to level off and not accelerate so quickly towards confrontation.”
Xi’s friendlier image with the G-20 was undermined by a moment caught on camera as he spoke with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.
Through an interpreter, Xi told Trudeau it was “inappropriate” to tell Canadian media about an informal meeting between the two men. Trudeau interrupted Xi and defended himself, emphasizing the importance of free and open dialogue.
“Let’s set the conditions first,” Xi replied tersely, then mumbled another word as he walked away, “Naive.”
The video was censored in China, but the impression Xi made on the international scene was that he would quickly become critical and combative.
“The real test of whether Wolf Warrior diplomacy still prevails is how China responds when it feels under attack,” the Stimson Center’s Sun said. “Beijing is more willing to repair or maintain good relationships, but that doesn’t mean it won’t bite if it feels threatened or offended.”
Vic Chiang in Taipei and Lyric Li in Seoul contributed to this report.