1687682506 Greece is preparing to hand over power to the right

Greece is preparing to hand over power to the right

On Friday evening there is a party atmosphere at the final rally of the election campaign of Nea Dimokratia, the largest right-wing party in Greece. Horns, flares, national flags and, most importantly, smiles abound. Party leader and outgoing Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, 55, has been warning for several weeks that the ballot boxes are still empty and must be filled this Sunday. Imagine that nobody trusts. In a census of 10.4 million inhabitants, a total of 9.9 million Greeks were called to vote. Voting began this Sunday at 7 a.m., an hour less in mainland Spain, and is scheduled to end at 7 p.m. These are the second general elections the country has held in five weeks.

The New Democracy won the general election on May 21 with 40.79% of the vote, the largest difference since 1974 to the second party, the left-wing Syriza under Alexis Tsipras. Nobody expected such a tremendous victory, but this result was not enough to reign alone for four more years. So instead of forming a coalition government, Mitsotakis called new elections. This time the elections will be governed by the electoral law passed by New Democracy in 2020, which provides a bonus of up to 50 seats for the party with the most votes. The Conservative leader sees getting half plus one of the 300 MPs in Parliament within reach. It’s just a step away. That’s why he calls his followers to Syntagma Square in Athens this Friday: “We need strength to finish what we started.”

Gone are the days when Tsipras ruled (2015-2019), when the troika (European Commission, European Central Bank and IMF) imposed strict authority policies on him. Now Mitsotakis is emerging as the clear favourite.

Political science professor at the University of Macedonia, Nikos Marantzidis, claims via email from Thessaloniki that there are three types of rights in Greece. “First, the traditional, conservative, Christian-Democratic, slightly anti-Western,” strongest in rural areas. Second, the neoliberal, cosmopolitan, pro-American, market-worshipping right wing that represents the middle and upper classes, namely that of Mitsotakis. Finally, a racist and deeply anti-Western far right, epitomized by the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn party, has now disintegrated as a criminal organization.

Different formations fight to conquer a space to the right of the New Democracy. And they do it with a strong dose of nationalism and religion, which are very present in the country. In public schools, the day begins with a communal prayer in the courtyard before class. That’s what Niki wants, a new ultra-conservative party that was about to enter parliament last May with 2.92% of the vote. The electoral law sets the cut at 3%.

Niki presents a program that combines Christian fundamentalism, anti-immigration, anti-communism and pro-Putin positions. At their head is the theologian Dimitris Natsios, who at the end of his election campaign surrounded himself with several ultra-Orthodox priests. But the majority of the Orthodox hierarchy does not agree with the presence of priests at rallies and has expressly distanced itself from the new party.

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Professor Marantzidis explains that Mitsotakis’ success lies in “convincing the left’s inability to govern coherently and effectively”. The professor believes that “by presenting himself as a technocratic prime minister who runs the country like a manager”, Mitsotakis manages to influence a broader right-wing constituency than the traditional one.

Does this mean that Greece has clearly become a right-wing country? A highly-trusted Mitsotakis employee, who wishes to remain anonymous, states that a “yes” answer to this question would not be appropriate. He explains that Mitsotakis has taken the lead on issues not traditionally seen as center-right, such as “the green agenda and the rights of the most vulnerable”. It also highlights that it has bolstered national pride through its “economic achievements after a ruinous decade” and the signing of several international agreements. These include the establishment of maritime borders with Italy and Egypt and defense agreements with France and the United States.

Regarding one of the government’s most serious crises, the train accident in the municipality of Tempe, which killed 57 people on February 28, the Mitsotakis adviser points out: “The causes that caused this tragedy come from afar, although the Main causes.” The minister accepted his share of the responsibility. But when it comes to solving the problems of our rail network, the Greeks know that whatever the ideological reasons, Mitsotakis is the most capable man in Greece.”

The key to a possible victory

Mitsotakis goes to the polls this Sunday with a promise to complete the work to modernize the country without giving up his anti-immigration resolve. When several participants at the rally were asked what the keys to a possible victory for Mitsotakis were, they all agreed: “stability and economic growth.” Dimitris, a bank manager who prefers to use his first name only, gives several reasons: foreign policy and “tough stance on illegal immigration”. He assures that “with Syriza there were refugee camps with 20,000 migrants on some small islands” and Mitsotakis “solved the problem”.

MP Konstantinos Kyranakis, 36, adds a key in perfect English: “The prime minister has kept his promises.” Several acquaintances have asked him to pose with them in a photo. They wear pastel-colored shirts with three open buttons and designer sneakers or slippers.

Anna Ligouri is an entrepreneur who runs a computer company with 200 employees. He assures that his workers “take a deep breath knowing Mitsotakis will win.” Elpidoforos Papanikolopulos, also a 41-year-old bank manager, believes that “Mitsotakis has occupied the entire center and changed not only the political scene but also the mentality of this country.” That’s why the left are voting for him.” Where does this strategy lead to the extreme right wing of the party, embodied by former ministers Adonis Georgiadis or Thanos Plevris? Papanikolopulos shrugs and replies sarcastically, “And what else can you do but accept it?”

Several priests take part in the final rally of the Niki party (ultraconservatives) in Athens on Thursday, June 22, 2023.Several priests take part in the rally at the end of the election campaign of the Niki party (ultra-conservative) on Thursday 22 June 2023 in Athens. Yorgos Karahalis (AP)

The Greek economy grew by 8.4% in 2021 and by 5.9% in 2022, well above the European Union average. National debt in relation to gross domestic product fell by 35 points within two years; It stood at 206% during the pandemic and currently accounts for 171% of GDP, according to the Efe agency.

Mitsotakis put the economy at the center of his campaign message. Theodoros Skylakakis was one of the most responsible in this field. On the list for Parliament, he is number two for New Democracy. He served as deputy minister for fiscal policy, a position that does not exist in Spain and that would sit between the minister and the foreign minister. Skylakakis defines the government’s economic policy as follows: “We are fiscally conservative, we meet fiscal targets, while economic stimulus is very liberal and social policy is quite social democratic.”

There are also those who believe that in Greece Mitsotakis was the major beneficiary of what is known as the “Juncker Curse”, paraphrasing the austerity phrase of former European Commission President, Luxembourg conservative Jean-Claude Juncker: “We know what to do, but we don’t know how we’ll be re-elected afterwards.” The defenders of this thesis argue that Tsipras implemented the demands made by the troika… and Mitsotakis has been reaping the rewards since 2019.

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