Jaime Bellolio, the former spokesman for Chilean President Sebastián Piñera’s second government (2018-2022), has been out of the political trenches for a year and a half. Today, as director of the Institute for Public Policy Studies at Andrés Bello University, he analyzes – from a greater distance – the long-term democratic process that Chile is going through.
In his interview with EL PAÍS, which takes place in a cafeteria of a shopping center in the Vitacura district of eastern Santiago, the former MP from the traditionally right-wing Independent Democratic Union (UDI) shares his thoughts on the direction of Chilean politics. “Being able to watch the football game from the stands – and sometimes being invited to play – is not the same as being on the field all the time. I won’t judge these [who are on the inside]. It’s very difficult to do politics these days.”
He sips coffee and water during the conversation. The industrial engineer from the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile chose the location of the interview because it is close to the highway. When the discussion ends, he has to hurry to catch his flight to Buenos Aires. In the Argentine capital, he will accompany former President Piñera at a meeting of other former right-wing Latin American leaders – the second meeting of the Freedom and Democracy Group – where Bellolio will moderate a panel.
Of the Chilean right, Bellolio is perhaps the person closest to incumbent leftist President Gabriel Boric. They met while both serving as representatives in Congress. To this day they have a trusting friendship. “We are constantly having conversations with the president,” admits Bellolio, in a week in which Chile Vamos, the coalition of traditional right-wing parties, joined forces with the far-right Republican Party in the Council’s plenary session, tasked with drafting a new constitution.
Jaime Bellolio photographed in Santiago, Chile, on September 21, 2023. Cristobal Venegas (© CRISTOBAL VENEGAS)
Ask. How is Chile doing after 9/11, the 50th anniversary of the coup?
Answer. Unfortunately, we have more departments than 10 years ago. I think it’s a missed opportunity…conflicts that were once fought in whispers have come to the surface. We can say that in Chile today there is a deep conviction to defend human rights and value democracy… [but this must involve] the removal of all traces of justification for violence as a legitimate means of policymaking. There must also be a commitment to the constitution and the rule of law. Fifty years later, the coup can no longer be justified. And this consideration, if it had been carried out more carefully, could have been accepted by a larger majority.
Q Some believe that the government has strained relations in the country. Do you agree?
TO. With its constant zigzag course, the government has missed an opportunity. It seems as if the president knows that he has a duty to build a different kind of social democracy – a Chilean-style social democracy – but he has also turned to the Communist Party. So instead of showing a path between democratic socialism and the Communist Party, he fights between the two sides. And that only increases the uncertainty that we are living through today, with the Constitutional Council, the consequences of the pandemic and other problems.
Q And what happened on the right?
TO. Everything is messed up on the right. It is difficult to make a diagnosis and form a common political movement, which is of course a consequence of the rupture in the country. I fear that as politics moves away from solving citizens’ problems, the space for populism and demagoguery, which tends to be authoritarian in Latin America, grows.
Q What role does the Republican Party play in the Constitutional Council? In the May elections, José Antonio Kast’s party won 23 of the 50 seats.
TO. The Republican Party has a problem: it got too many votes. Their original logic was more that the group should have veto power over a new constitution, but not the power to write it. However, since this is the case, they had to adopt a different strategy.
Q If Republicans call for a complete rejection of a new constitution in the December referendum, what impact do you think that will have?
TO. First, Republican voters didn’t want the trial at all. Second, there is another phenomenon that we are seeing everywhere in Chile: the politics of very short-term politics, which became much more pronounced after the social unrest of 2019 and the subsequent pandemic. In a study we conducted at Andrés Bello University, people told us that in the face of current fragility, in the face of the perception of permanent risks, they are seeking refuge in their families, in their communities, in their homes, etc. in their traditions . And when they look into the future, they don’t think more than three months ahead. When that happens – deep down, when you feel like your future has been hijacked – all you have left is room for everyday life. And here people struggle with problems such as a lack of public safety, low economic growth, unemployment and rising costs of living.
Q And the Republican Party, you say, is preparing for these short-term emergencies?
TO. This has been done very successfully. There’s a reason Republicans championed the issue of public safety in May’s Constitutional Council elections. Although the Constitution must of course contain a section on security, it will not be able to resolve the current aspects of insecurity that citizens are facing. So if there is no medium or long-term vision, there is no room for a new constitution, no room for politics and no room for compromise. There is only room for confrontation. I believe that this is a disease that politics is experiencing. Social media only reinforces it.
Q If Republicans have the ambition to win the general election in 2025, they are playing a dangerous game with this logic, aren’t they?
TO. And that is the paradox. Although it is most likely that the next government will be from the opposition – i.e. from the right – it would make sense to close the constitutional cycle [the party] best conditions to be able to govern in the next legislative period. The same applies to pension reform (which has stalled) or making maximum progress on the security agenda. There are several factors that would make what you want to govern more controllable. However, since we live in a short-term world, the idea of “let me get elected first and then you will see how I govern” wins.
Q Last week, the Constitutional Council voted on a controversial norm: the “rights of the unborn.” The left believes this could open the door to repealing abortion rights in Chile (abortion is only legal if the mother’s life is at risk, if the fetus is not viable and if there is rape in the first 12 weeks comes). the pregnancy). What is your opinion?
TO. I am not an expert in this field, but it seems to me that in three situations – which I voted against – abortion is something that should not be reversed. But mere consent [of this wording] – that the Constitution protects the life of the unborn – does not seem to me a way to reverse what has already been passed in Chile regarding abortion.
Q Is the left exaggerating?
TO. No, but I think there are some people on the left who are looking for excuses to get out of this process. Then there are others who legitimately have their doubts, and this is another way of negotiating, noticing certain problems so that the other party realizes how delicate the situation is. But it is absurd to believe that a constitution can only be approved by one political sector. We have already seen this error in the previous one [failed 2021] Procedure. You cannot try to close the constitutional loop without there being a majority agreeing on the rules that will govern us in the future.
Bellolio, pictured in Santiago’s Vitacura district. Cristobal Venegas
Q Many have criticized the Chile Vamos coalition, which includes three traditional center-right and right-wing parties, for mixing with the far-right Republicans…
TO. I would hope that this is not the case. It is important to remember that several of these votes were cast in opposition, i.e. against the policy. We have to reach out to the five million new voters because many are completely disinterested and have no trust in politics. Whenever Chile Vamos has won an election, it is because it had a very clear leadership that managed to overcome internal differences. Today we are not at that stage yet. The Republicans have it, but in Chile Vamos it remains to be seen.
Q Is everyone in Chile Vamos convinced that Evelyn Matthei, the current mayor of Providencia and runner-up in the 2014 presidential election, is the leader they are looking for?
TO. Without a doubt, she has the best chance today. I think she is a very good candidate. But everyone knows that it will also depend on the outcome of the coming months, such as what happens in December when the Chilean people vote on a new constitution.
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