“How could it happen?”. The question overwhelms a large part of society as to what “the Brazilian Capitol“. While there’s no shortage of observers who believe so Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva augmented his political capital through the way he handled the coup, others say the president did nothing more than expose the precariousness of the alliances with which he came to power after the electoral defeat Jair Bolsonaro by less than two points. The coexistence of left, center and even right seems to have failed the first test of shared habitat.
the Brazilian Secret Service (Abin) was headless during the week as the Bolsonaristas prepared their so-called “seizure of power.” When the dome became operational, Abin issued several Warnings of impending danger. “The number of charter buses going to Brasília this weekend has increased. There are a total of 105 buses with around 3,900 passengers,” a newspaper quoted the press as saying. “There are still calls for violent actions and attempts to occupy public buildings, especially in the esplanade of the ministries,” adds another on January 7, anticipating the facts. Did Lula know about these warnings, or were they lost along the way? If he knew her, it was suggested the government might “let do“To give the extremists their task, so that, despite the destruction, they pave the way for the fight against Bolsonarismo and unite the media, business and part of the conservative spectrum behind them?
This hypothesis encounters other aspects of a complex reality. According to O Globo, even during Sunday’s most difficult hours, Lula was particularly irritated by his defense minister, the moderate José Múcio Monteiro, who described the Bolsonaro camps as “a demonstration of democracy“.
The military factor
Those encamped in front of army units were driven out within 24 hours, but only on the ashes left by the attacks in Brasilia. One of the already existing difficulties with this was revealed by analyst Lauro Jardim: Most radicals are retired military men or active duty military family members. “In other words, the army acted corporately. They didn’t want to take action against anyone who was in any way close to them.” Retired General Ridauto Fernandes, who served as a close ally of the General Edward Pazuello in the Ministry of Health, which caused disasters during the pandemic, he was one of the participants in the coup act on the Esplanade of Ministries. “I mean, I got goosebumps,” he said excitedly. Retired Colonel Soldier Adriano Camargo Testoni also appeared, doubling down on the call for army intervention.
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During these hours, Lula realized that relations with the Bundeswehr would be maintained silence about the events of January 8, represented a output perhaps greater than dealing with a majority of opposition governors or a conservative Congress. The uniformed were showered with privileges, even co-governing with the extreme right. Within the institution, some of its members are not indifferent to Bolsonaro’s sermon. Incidentally, there is an old dislike for the Workers’ Party (PT), which tried to channel the extreme right.
According to the Estado newspaper, Lula received information that is on the list of financiers of the coup act business people Agriculture and others with foreign ties. Unsurprisingly, he spoke of it on Sunday “evil agribusiness” that causes environmental disasters. Before exploding with anger, Lula had proposed the coexistence of environmental leader Marina Silva, at the head of the Environment Ministry, and Carlos Favaro, a representative of businessmen in the specified sector, in agriculture in his government.