After the toppling of the French President’s coalition, which just two months after Macron’s reconfirmation in the Elysée on Sunday, received just 245 MPs without an absolute majority in the 44-seat National Assembly, Paris is looking at both the German tradition and the trend Italian , to quickly learn the art of compromise; to the hypothesis of pacts with the devil, i.e. with the Lepenists, who already claim the chairmanship of the finance committee in parliament and who had informal initial contacts with “Macronia”. In fact, the government will have to take into account some of the opposition’s ideas, starting with the ideas of regaining purchasing power launched by the Lepenists during the election campaign.
The final dates speak for themselves. Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National is the first opposition party with 89 MPs; while the maxi electoral cartel that united the extreme left of Jean-Luc Mélenchon, socialists, greens, radicals and communists has already imploded. The size of their result shrank to 131 seats. And the idea of being together in a single “nupes” group was rejected yesterday in record time by the same allies of the Gauche Tribune that had proposed it.
A disunited left is secondary, Le Pen becomes central. Both in the proposals, and in opposition. you need to talk to her The Alpine-wide laws thus give France the opportunity to relearn politics and prepare the ground for unprecedented agreement on a case-by-case basis on individual measures. No underground alliances, no treaties. But I am working to put parliamentary action on the contributions of the Elysée back at the heart of the Fifth Republic.
The impasse seems far from over. Today’s Council of Ministers was canceled by Macron. And on July 5, the speech of Prime Minister Elisabeth Borne is expected in the Assemblée. Of course, calls for his resignation have receded: Macron doesn’t seem ready to sacrifice her and yesterday he had lunch with her at the Elysée, with former prime minister and ally Edouard Philippe and centrist François Bayrou. But after the ballot in the first turn of the second term of office, there was radio silence from the palazzo.
Nicolas Sarkozy, now expelled from his own party, is working behind the scenes to reach an agreement between the Ensamble and the Républicains. However, the Neo-Galilists say “neither pacts nor coalition” with the Macron Patrol. And the patron, Christian Jacob, promises a “constructive” opposition, giving maximum opportunity to make suggestions.
The MoDem centrists are no longer so decisive. The only force that seems to have clear ideas is the former National Front, to which arithmetic (and political coherence) has given centrality that the dual-tier majority had previously denied it. It goes from 8 to 89 deputies; it is raising resources to shake off the party label, which is open to foreign influence, in the face of loans taken out from Russian banks that could now be repaid. And Le Pen announces that he does not want to take over the party leadership again in order to lead the new “French phase” out of the Assemblée.
“Macron will not do what he wants,” thunders BleuMarine and makes the first reservations about the pension reform: “No to 65 years”. The President of the Republic takes time to reshuffle (three ministers will leave the Executive because they were not elected). In the absence of coalition deals, which France is not inclined to sign, Macron has no choice but to keep fingers crossed instead of swords. And invite your people to negotiate with everyone. Starting with those who traditionally come from the opposition and have to oversee the preparation of the budget by directing the Treasury Commission’s budgetary funds.