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The Monroe Doctrine was a pillar of U.S. foreign policy for decades
6 hours ago
“America for Americans” is the phrase that sums up one of the oldest and most iconic foreign policies of the United States, dating back 200 years: the Monroe Doctrine.
It was introduced on December 2, 1823 by President James Monroe (18171825) in a speech to the United States Congress.
In his message, Monroe warned European powers to stay away from the American continent.
These were the years after the independence that the American nations gained against the monarchies of Spain, France or Portugal.
“The American continents, because of the conditions of freedom and independence they have adopted and maintained, should no longer be considered as subjects of future colonization by a European power,” Monroe said in his country’s Congress.
He declared that any intervention would be seen as an attack on the United States itself and assured that his country would not be involved in any dispute in Europe.
But the doctrine laid out by the president was seen not only as a gesture of solidarity with other countries in the region, but also led to a policy of expansion and protection of US economic interests in the Western Hemisphere (and, to a lesser extent, there). its British partners).
“The meaning of the Monroe Doctrine has continually changed since President Monroe proclaimed it in his 1823 address to Congress. The discrepancies vary depending on how certain people have interpreted the doctrine over the last 200 years,” explains author and American history expert Unidos. Alex Bryne, in an interview with BBC News Mundo, the BBC’s Spanish service.
And in the name of the Monroe Doctrine, there have been numerous political, military and economic interventions by the USA in Latin America over the last two centuries, a region that is therefore also referred to as Washington’s “backyard”.
Why the doctrine came about
President Monroe’s speech was delivered a few years after the formation of the socalled Holy Alliance in Europe (1815) between the empires of Russia, Austria and Prussia, whose aim was to defend absolute monarchies and combat revolutionary movements.
In this context, Great Britain—which had taken over much of the trade that independent nations had cut off with the rest of Europe—aligned with the United States to prevent the return of other European powers to the Americas.
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James Monroe was the fifth President of the United States
Monroe and his Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, formulated a policy that stipulated that the United States would undertake the defense of American sovereignty with the support of British naval power, which their country lacked.
“We would consider any attempt by you to be dangerous to our peace and security. [por parte das potências europeias] “To extend your system to every part of this hemisphere,” Monroe told congressmen.
He warned that any action by a European power against the independent countries of the Americas “with the aim of oppressing them or otherwise controlling their destinies” would “be viewed as an expression of a hostile attitude toward the United States.”
For Professor Alex Bryne, this statement is “in its purest form” a proclamation “affirming that the United States will view any new colonization of the American subcontinents as a threat to its national interests.”
However, putting this doctrine into practice was not easy because the United States was not then the power we know today.
“The United States was an independent country for years (1776), but still a weak country limited to the eastern coast of its territory,” explains historian Veremundo Carrillo, a specialist in PanAmerican relations at the College of Mexico.
Experts point out that the true impact of the Monroe Doctrine would only be seen decades later in the way it was interpreted and implemented, particularly in the late 19th century and most of the 20th century.
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The United Kingdom’s naval fleet was vital to the defense of US interests in the 19th century
The beginnings of teaching
Monroe’s words were well received in Latin American countries.
Independent nations sought international recognition, and the United States was one of the first countries to grant this recognition. In return, the United Kingdom became a “bank” that financed the new American nations, favoring London’s access to the continent’s rich trade.
South American independence hero Simón Bolívar declared in 1824: “England and the United States protect us.”
Likewise, Colombian Vice President Francisco de Paula Santander assured that they would have allies “in case their independence and freedom were threatened by the allied powers.” Chile and Argentina also expressed their gratitude.
In Mexico, Foreign Minister Lucas Alamán called on the United States to provide resources of all kinds “to support independence and freedom.”
But the initial implementation of the Monroe Doctrine did not meet the expectations of Latin American governments.
The conquest of the Falkland Islands by the United Kingdom took place in 1833 without US intervention.
The British then increased their control over Belize, Jamaica and other Caribbean territories, also without American intervention.
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In the 19th century, the United States focused on expanding its territory
“There were several occasions on which the Monroe Doctrine was challenged, but it was up to American politicians to determine whether the challenge had real merit,” Bryne notes.
“After all, the Monroe Doctrine did not oblige the United States to take any action.”
The expansion doctrine
It was President James K. Polk (19451849) who first reinterpreted the doctrine “as a policy of U.S. expansion,” Carrillo says.
Washington invaded Mexico, forcing that country to cede 55% of its territory in 1848. It also occupied the Dominican Republic and Panama at various times.
The case of the French intervention in Mexico (18621867), through which Napoleon III. established a shortlived empire with the support of Mexican conservatives was further evidence that the original spirit of the Monroe Doctrine was not uniformly applied.
The United States showed no further resistance. The fact that this period coincided with the American Civil War (18621865) severely limited Washington’s support for the liberal government of Benito Juárez.
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Mexico had to give up 55% of its territory to end the US occupation
“The United States had no power to enforce the doctrine for most of the 19th century,” Bryne says.
President Rutherford B. Hayes (18771881) also presented his own interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine and declared Central America and the Caribbean a region of exclusive influence of the United States.
At this time, control of Nicaragua and Panama was already fundamental as a strategic step for trade between the Pacific and the Atlantic.
In another key moment of its expansionist policy, the United States intervened in the independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico in 1898 and placed the Caribbean islands under its care.
America’s “Police”
The United States also mediated the conflict between Venezuela and the United Kingdom over the British colony of Guyana (presentday Guyana) in the late 19th century.
And in 1903, Washington mediated again to end the naval blockade that the British had imposed on Venezuela to pay off debts.
At that time, President Theodore Roosevelt (19011909) introduced a new term for the Monroe Doctrine: The United States could intervene in the internal affairs of a Latin American nation if it committed egregious crimes.
With its military and economic power making it a world power, the United States established itself in the following decades as “the American police force under the guise of protecting the continent,” says Carrillo.
And Washington would carry out thirty interventions in Latin American countries.
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The military power of the United States in the 20th century was decisive for several interventions in Latin America
In both world wars, the United States exercised greater control over the continent to avoid the influence of hostile powers. And during the Cold War, various U.S. presidents invoked “the communist threat” to justify their numerous interventions in Latin America.
“Many teachings are talked about: Truman, Kennedy, Johnson. But in a broader reading, they are all reinterpretations of the Monroe Doctrine,” says Carrillo.
Is it still valid?
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In 2018, Donald Trump said the US must follow the Monroe Doctrine to protect America from outside influences
Is the Monroe Doctrine still valid today?
“I believe that the Monroe Doctrine cannot be applied today in the same way as it has been in the past. “Monroe’s original message was firmly against colonialism, which is no longer relevant today,” believes Brynes.
“I personally believe that the Monroe Doctrine no longer makes sense, it is an empty signifier that has been assigned many different meanings over time.”
However, Carrillo believes that “the idea that underpinned the Monroe Doctrine remains valid: the United States continues to play a dominant role over its neighbors.”
“One of the paradoxes of the United States is that it is an imperial republic with values of democratic republicanism that has often acted on the basis of the most classic imperialism with purely commercial interests,” he concludes.