The former Polish prime minister, who served on the European Council, wants to embody the alternative to the Law and Justice party, which has sealed off the country’s institutions.
A red heart-shaped sticker on his chest, rolled-up shirt sleeves and a smiling eye: here Donald Tusk is ready for a new video on social networks. On that day, in the middle of the election campaign, he was filmed while distributing… pineapple pizzas, accompanied by burlesque music. A new fantasy for this 66-year-old man, used to breaking away from the rigors of the election campaign.
On Sunday, October 15th, Poles are called upon to renew their parliament. At the end of this vote, the majority will appoint a President of the Council of Ministers who will be responsible for forming a government. A position that Donald Tusk, a well-known figure in the national and European political landscape, aspires to. The Liberal, who was deputy, senator, prime minister and then president of the European Council in his country, is counting on both his experience and his international aura to win. At the head of his citizens’ coalition, he will try to bring down a major opponent: the ultra-conservative Law and Justice party (PiS), which has been in power since 2015 and is slightly ahead in the polls.
A historic rival to the conservatives with whom he almost governed
Donald Tusk began his political career on the still tepid rubble of the Soviet bloc. In 1991, the native of Gdańsk, an industrial port in northern Poland, was elected deputy. Six years later, at the age of 40, he became a senator and vice-president of the Polish upper house. In 2001, he co-founded the Civic Platform party (Platforma Obywatelska in Polish, abbreviated PO).
The then President of the Citizens Platform, Donald Tusk, speaks to the press on September 22, 2005. (KRZYSZTOF MYSTKOWSKI / KFP / AFP)
His political rise continued in the 2000s in parallel with the rise of Lech Kaczynski, the founder of the PiS. “In 2005, the PO and PiS were supposed to govern together,” recalls political scientist Cédric Pellen, an expert on the country. But due to a lack of political agreement, “everything went up in smoke” in the 2005 presidential election campaign, explains the researcher. Donald Tusk then conceded victory to Lech Kaczynski, whose prime minister he nevertheless became in November 2007, replacing the twin brother of the conservative president, Jaroslaw Kaczynski.
For the Civic Platform it is the consecration and the opportunity to come to power for the first time since the return of democracy in Poland. This victory also permanently established Donald Tusk in the national political landscape. To date, thanks to a re-election in 2011, he holds the record for the longest term as Prime Minister of the Third Republic (six years and ten months).
A mixed record as Prime Minister
When Donald Tusk took over the government in 2007, Poland had already been a member of the EU for three years. But economically the country lags significantly behind its western neighbors. Using economic competitiveness as a compass, the leader “then develops a series of neoliberal-inspired measures,” says franceinfo Valentin Behr, a research fellow at the CNRS, affiliated with the European Center for Sociology and Political Science. At the time, the Prime Minister “welcomed that Poland had strong economic growth and was developing into a European country.”
“Donald Tusk and the Civic Platform left behind the memory of a government that was very inclined to market logic and did not care much about social aspects.”
Valentin Behr, Poland specialist
at franceinfo
For many Poles, this period is synonymous with growing inequalities, “such as the precariousness of the labor market, the poor integration of young people,” adds Cédric Pellen. The Tusk years also saw unpopular measures emerge, such as raising the statutory retirement age (from 62 to 65, then 67 for everyone) and the privatization of public companies. The retirement age has now been reduced by the Conservatives to 65 for men and 60 for women.
A Europhile passing through Brussels
Donald Tusk breaks with the old governments and “turns more towards Europe”, reports Cédric Pellen, which is favorable for Poland’s entry into the Eurozone (which did not happen). A stance that caught the eye in Brussels, where he was eventually appointed to the presidency of the European Council in December 2014. He then chairs meetings between heads of state while ensuring the EU’s external representation.
Donald Tusk takes up his European duties in a tense environment. Still reeling from the 2008 financial crisis, the EU was concerned about Russia’s annexation of Crimea. “Today, not only Eurosceptics are questioning the value of the EU, but the Union even has enemies. History has returned and we will not be able to face this turbulent time without political unity,” he said during his first speech in Brussels in December 2014.
In his first speech as President of the European Council on December 1, 2014, Donald Tusk emphasized “the unity of Europe”. (EMMANUEL DUNAND / AFP)
“The fact that a Pole was named left an impression,” a diplomat who worked at the European Council told franceinfo. His arrival marked the entry of a country from the former communist bloc as an important player in EU affairs.” Donald Tusk never hesitates to refer to Poland’s past in his speeches. But I am sure that it is the best of all existing worlds,” he assured in Brussels in September 2015, referring to his experience as a man who “lived half of his life under a communist regime.” [sa] Life”.
“Donald Tusk is not a technician who likes numbers and details. He loves big politics between states. He is a child of Poland, shaped by the struggle between communism and democracy.”
A European manager
at franceinfo
Donald Tusk, described as “obsessed with the Russian threat”, also advocates for a hardening of the European position towards Moscow. “Almost every week I had to publicly remind people that Russia was not our ‘strategic partner’, but our ‘strategic problem’,” he himself wrote on the European Council website, reviewing his assessment. “He was also involved in the migration crisis before taking part in the Brexit negotiations,” another European official familiar with Council issues tells franceinfo.
Saving Poland from the decline of the rule of law
At the end of his term in office, in November 2019, the Pole took over the leadership of the right- and center-right European People’s Party. At the same time, he is primarily thinking about a new beginning in his country of origin. “His motivation is to save Poland from what he perceives as the decline of the rule of law, democracy and free media,” admits the same source.
After taking over the leadership of the Civic Platform in 2021, he is working to make his party the main opposition force in the country. But It is far from embodying renewal and struggling to convince public opinion beyond its historical constituencies, analyzes Dorota Dakowska, professor at Sciences Po Aix.
“Donald Tusk, along with his rival Jaroslaw Kaczynski, is one of the most hated figures in the Polish political landscape,” even Valentin Behr adds. This election shows the lack of renewal in the Polish political workforce, with key figures who were already there at that point. Late 1990s.” Not enough to attract voters in a country where the abstention rate is often around 50%.
“It is as if we were having a duel in France between Nicolas Sarkozy and François Hollande, but it has been going on for more than twenty years.”
Cédric Pellen, political scientist
at franceinfo
In order to attract progressive votes, Donald Tusk set a clear condition for those wishing to join his citizens’ coalition: abortion must be authorized for all women who request it up to the 12th week of pregnancy after consultation with a doctor. A way to drive a wedge with the ultra-conservatives of PiS, who made abortions almost impossible in 2020. In addition, the Liberal, far from his previous austerity plans, is now promising an increase in family allowances, which have already been increased by Worse in recent years.
The government’s pet peeve
Even if he failed to unite all opposition parties, he remains the main rival of the PiS, which wants to defeat him at all costs. At the end of May, the ultra-conservatives voted to set up a “Commission of Inquiry into Russian Influence” capable of banning people deemed close to Moscow from public service for ten years. This controversial measure is nicknamed “Lex Tusk” or “Tusk Law” because it appears to target the affected individual. Because he had bought Russian gas from Poland during his time as prime minister, he was actually accused of collusion by the PiS, which provoked the outrage of the European Parliament.
But the attacks don’t stop there. This Sunday the Polish government is organizing a referendum parallel to the elections. The four questions asked of voters address all of PiS’s main criticisms of Donald Tusk, such as “Are you in favor of returning to retirement at 67 for everyone?” or “Are you in favor of accepting thousands of illegal immigrants from the Middle East and Africa (…) imposed by the European bureaucracy?’ A “twisted move that still has the chance to influence the vote,” warns Cédric Pellen.
Powerless against these political blows, Donald Tusk remains confident. On October 1, his great anti-government march filled Warsaw. “When I see these hundreds of thousands of smiling faces, I feel that a decisive moment in the history of our homeland is approaching,” he explained, before directly threatening the PiS leaders. “Many of them will go to prison for theft, for violations of the law and the Constitution,” he promised.