No matter where he is, Gustavo Petro’s Twitter account is buzzing with activity. These are difficult times for the president who, despite being in Brazil, is keeping an eye on simmering problems at home. Apolitical issues are beginning to overwhelm his so-called “government of change.” Overlapping crises and shifts in strategy are clouding the Petro government’s horizons. For the past month, the president has been stoking an ideological campfire in hopes of rousing the left from its post-election lethargy. Shortly after meeting President Lula da Silva in Brasília, Petro announced that he would take to the streets next week to protest impunity. But will he protest his own government or the alleged “soft coup” that threatens his presidency? Additionally, two of his closest associates were recently involved in an embarrassing argument that was aired in the media, forcing him to step in as referee. Ironically, Petro has chosen to keep quiet about it on Twitter, despite the fact that the argument is ubiquitous.
If there are days when nothing seems to happen, there are also days when everything seems to happen. The atmosphere has been heated since Petro reshuffled his cabinet a month ago, sacking seven ministers. His efforts to shift his government to the left and press ahead with reforms met opposition from both the center and right, slowing progress. When he took office, he formed a fragile majority in Congress with weak support from conservative parties. But those alliances have now disintegrated, and instead of moving forward, Petro’s government appears to be shaking the wheels.
The coups
The President sees conspiracies everywhere – one day it’s the military, the next day it’s the courts. Petro says the generals want to overthrow him like Salvador Allende did in Chile, but there’s not the slightest hint of it. Powerful judges are reportedly trying to rule from their courthouses, removing politicians from their roles within Petro’s movement, a move the president describes as a “soft coup”. Petro is convinced that the change he has promised will meet with strong resistance in a conservative, accommodating state structure. The establishment at its purest, including the media. He has not forgotten how the Attorney General removed him as mayor of Bogotá over an administrative matter and banned him from holding public office for 15 years. Petro brought his case to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), which ultimately ruled in his favour. Without this fateful turn of events, Petro would never have become President. It forever shaped his political career and shaped his perception of reality. He now wants the IACHR to prevent the opposition from throwing his allies out of Congress, including a key supporter, Roy Barreras. An administrative court, the so-called Council of State, said that Barreras did not leave his old political party soon enough to run for election in his current party, in violation of electoral rules. Petro will now take to the streets to protest these allegedly politically motivated moves against his presidency. The former protester has returned as president, condemning the opposition and waving his banners.
The stalemate in Congress
Petro began his tenure by forging congressional alliances that raised hopes to push ahead with the reforms he planned — tax, labor, health care, and more. However, the wheels of Congress have ground to a halt and its chambers are often deserted. The President severed ties with conservative and moderate parties, claiming they would completely water down his proposed reforms, leaving him somewhat isolated. Congress has been paralyzed for the past 45 days. Petro risks losing support if he doesn’t quickly rebuild his coalition. Members of his party have urged him to go faster, but he appears to have lost faith in Congress. In his view, it is controlled by conservative forces who only pretend to bring about change while maintaining the status quo. He no longer believes that the success of his government depends on the institution.
The Benedetti soap opera
Armando Benedetti – Petro’s trusty wingman – has stirred up a storm and no one knows how those involved will escape unscathed. Benedetti, Colombia’s ambassador to Venezuela, says he has wiretapping evidence that Petro’s closest confidant – Chief of Staff Laura Sarabia – forced her child’s nanny to take a lie detector test over the disappearance of $7,000 from Sarabia’s home. The nanny incident exploded in media and Sarabia believes Benedetti, her former boss, was the one who leaked the incident. Petro is torn between two loyalties. Benedetti had been at his side throughout the grueling election campaign that catapulted him to power. Sarabia, on the other hand, has become his most trusted aid. The dispute between Benedetti and Sarabia was extremely damaging, especially for the President. The two opponents were close until recent disagreements over how Petro should be advised led to a rift. While in Brazil, the President called Benedetti and urged him to stop stoking the fire on social media. Then he summoned the ambassador to an urgent meeting: Petro didn’t want a fire in his kitchen.
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