In the last twenty years, economic interdependence has changed radically from what first took place between the 1880s and the 1910s, and then – after the collapse brought on by economic nationalisms after the collapse of the tsarist empires, Austria-Hungary and Ottoman – with the mutual collapse of power due to the European political and legal vacuum, the most striking result of the first of the two episodes of the long twentieth-century war that ended in 1945 and began in 1914.
The consequence of the second of the world’s two most spectacular episodes of war was the Soviet victory in the Continental and Baltic States and the demotion of Japan to a regional power – after its rise to the ranks of the high echelon of the world power – due to the nuclear annihilation it faced.
China demographically and militantly occupied the gap between the fractals of the Great Game with Indian perspective and continuation of the eighteenth and nineteenth century conflicts between Lower Mongolia and Pakistani Abundance, which has created constant instability to this day, which is the reason for India is multi-balanced solitude.
Paradoxically, Gandhi’s abstract Western design, while causing millions of Muslim and Hindu deaths due to the surrender of the war-weary kingdom of England, disrupted the Indian blockade and turned it into the mosaic that enabled the United States to exercise that blocking role every time they wanted to go through the old region of the Great Game between Pakistan and Bangladesh.
The assassination of bin Laden first and then the withdrawal from Afghanistan outside of any logic of external power due to internal electoral impulses confirmed this constellation of events and the concentration of power in the Indo-Pacific.
In this worldview, Russian imperial and imperialist aggression simultaneously opened the third phase of the conflict, which began in the first decade of the twentieth century. The long civil war has begun again. The landscape has changed.
The lowering of logistic costs through the transport gigantism and the logistic diffusion in the capitalist financial apex with digital platforms and the resumption of the space race towards the goal of Mars has been linked to the reactivation of neo-feudal and neo-slavic labor thanks to the atomization entrepreneurial ideology present in the ideological landscapes atomized masses destined to be exploited by absolute surplus value in the nihilistic crisis throughout the world.
This process is no longer governed by national polyarchies, nor even by the cohesiveness of EU-like treaties, but by neo-Aiderdinghian capitalist conglomerates that have led to stable transnational socio-economic formations that Russian imperialism has fiercely challenged. These geostrategic economic constructs subspecies monopoly state capitalisms are the following: the German-Russian-Chinese combine with strong demographic instability and imbalance of energy resources with very high potential for aggression; the Sino-US construct with a financial-technological-military prevalence destined to unravel with epoch-making rates of instability; the neocommonwealth mechanism of the Indo-Pacific Anglosphere with Asian variable geometry from the Philippines to Indonesia to Vietnam. A geometry on which, from Vietnam to the Philippines, will depend the possibility of integration with the recent power expansion of a NATO that annihilates the strategic autonomy of the EU’s economic-military might and is precursor to the scattered fractal of a Vassalatian Europe fractals that by Germanic dominance of the world economy will be a constant source of insecurity and secular deflation.
Only the possible Kaleckian public-debt public economic policy devoted to the growth and growing importance of the welcome Russian-Chinese military-industrial complex of repatriation could reverse a course towards the crisis.
The seas of the Heartland will, according to Spykman’s imperishable teaching, be the bones of contention with the Baltic and the Arctic in a continual dust of local wars, to which are added the now organic and chronic secular ones of all Africa, forever orphaned to the only power which was able to curb its catastrophic decline: Mitterrand’s Greater Africa, without which the Anglosphere alone can no longer guarantee either a common or a stable balance of power.
Does Europe have a possible role, beginning with the reform of the EU and partnership with Africa in the non-subordinate but vassal alliance with the Anglosphere?
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