Jordán Rodas’ office looks almost empty. Guatemala’s human rights ombudsman, one of the most uncomfortable voices in President Alejandro Giammattei’s administration, is preparing the move after a five-year tenure in which he has not stopped denouncing abuses of power. On the 20th he left office and with him went his paintings, the colorful carpets embroidered by indigenous hands, the gifts of gratitude from the violent communities of this country and also the “memes” because Rhodes was the target of a brutal smear campaign on social networks . He accepted it and printed out some of these critical messages and hung them up in his office. Taking it with humor may sound strange in this beautiful and violent nation, where the futures of judges, prosecutors, attorneys and even dissident journalists, many of whom have been sentenced to exile, are dictated by social networks controlled by powerful business groups will . From these profiles, future investigations against critics, convictions or arrest warrants are disclosed in advance before the judiciary makes them public. Rodas knows his departure is a respite for Giammattei, a president who seemed doomed to oblivion but whose mandate, the lawyer says, included a major setback on human rights, the fight against impunity and corruption. Rodas’ criticism isn’t just limited to the president, his finger of accusation is pointing directly at the country’s big businessmen, the vast fortunes clustered in the CACIF, a sort of capitalist lodge that pulls the strings of power in Guatemala. “They think they are the owners of the farm, they have done a lot of damage to this country,” says the lawyer.
His final days at the helm of the prosecutor’s office were intense. He had to accompany the now former anti-corruption public prosecutor Juan Francisco Sandoval on his journey into exile, which Rodas tells like in a suspense film: With the help of the Swedish ambassador – today frowned upon by the government – they determined the entire exit that would lead to the transfer von Sandoval in a diplomatic van, coordinating his arrival with his El Salvador counterparts and the Salvadoran government, touring the country in fear of arrest until the official, now in exile in Washington, was brought to safety, along with 12 other judges and prosecutors who were fully committed to fighting corruption in Guatemala, where putrefaction has permeated every instance of the state. Rodas mentions one of the most controversial figures in this government, Attorney General Consuelo Porras, whom prosecutors in exile have accused of launching a manhunt against them under the protection of President Giammattei. “I asked prosecutor Consuelo Porras to resign,” says Rodas. “She has her agenda and can be independent and I would hope she would act that way at the time because a country that doesn’t have an independent judiciary is at the mercy of authoritarianism. But today the judges are being criminalized by prosecutors themselves, which I deeply regret,” says the prosecutor.
Augusto Jordán Rodas at the Congress of the Republic in Guatemala City Sandra Sebastián
Questions. Do you think we face revenge on those who took part in the fight against corruption, on those who collaborated with the CICIG? [el experimento anticorrupción de la ONU, expulsado del país]?
Answer. Yes, without a doubt. Because if they made a mistake, they could prove it and not seek justice in revenge. This is very important.
P They have passed from judges and prosecutors to journalists. What do you think of the arrest of José Rubén Zamora, president of elPeriódico?
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R It’s strategic and perverse, with a chilling effect on the media.
P Who is behind all this persecution?
R It’s a very well thought out offensive that was strategically planned with a lot of lobbying in Washington and in Brussels where they sold their narrative.
P Lobbying who?
R Here we must speak clearly, the CACIF that has done a lot of damage to the country. Instead of providing an economic system that creates better living conditions, they believe they own the farm and act accordingly, as foremen, and every four years they only put puppets in power, manipulated and gave political oxygen to the likes of Otto Pérez Molina, Jimmy Morales and Alejandro Giammattei.
P Who are these entrepreneurs?
R Those who dominate industry and banking, who have accumulated wealth in this selfish model, reduce inequality.
P Why are these businessmen so aggressive in supporting cases against judges who have dealt with corruption cases?
R Because it affected her. Business sector leadership recognized seeing illegally funded campaigns. There is the case of [Jimmy] Moral.
P And they were also harassed by the CICIG.
R At first it was like open-heart surgery and all was well, but later, when sensitive figures of political and economic power were touched, they didn’t like it anymore and invented the sovereignty narrative [para acabar el mandato de la CICIG].
P How do you assess the human rights situation in Guatemala as you are only a few days away from your departure?
R It’s a setback and in many cases stagnation. Sometimes I get the impression that we are masochists and that Guatemala is like an underground car park because I honestly thought that we had hit rock bottom with Jimmy Morales, but Giammattei is just as corrupt and disrespectful to the most vulnerable sectors as he is to the indigenous peoples.
P How do you define this Giammattei period?
R Very bad. So much time to prepare to be president. He didn’t form teams, he didn’t make public policies to favor those most in need. He said a slightly vulgar phrase that he didn’t want to be remembered as just another son of a bitch, but I think that’s exactly what a majority of the population will think in the long run.
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