They tend to annoy first 100 days for every President, regardless of his circumstances and the situation in which he must govern.
All eyes are uniquely focused on his actions and generally he is compelled to record some of his actions campaign promise.
This uneasiness, which some ex-presidents usually confess privately, was for the experienced three-time President of Brazilclosest to a winding road, mined from the start, a little later and always fraught with obstacles thrown up by the logical mechanism of local politics, including many of its allies.
Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, President of the Brazilian AFP
To evaluate the “Lula Government III”we must first dispel any comparison with his previous first hundred days in the planalto (seat of government).
Something the pollsters couldn’t avoid, although the economic and political situation of the South American giant is very different from the beginning of the century.
According to Datafolha so far 38% of respondents approve of its managementamong the 48% registered in the same period in 2002 and 2007.
This percentage drops to 30% in the middle-income sectors and to 26% in the high-income sectors. Clear evidence that his proposal to meet the needs of the middle class has taken off over the years Jair Bolsonaro (due to the economic crisis), it is urgent, but it will not be an easy task.
Another piece of information that can be gleaned from these numbers is that there is a drag effect in the middle sectors of the captured image Workers’ Party (PT) and the President himself, for the corruption cases that are ablaze on the shelves of his previous administrations.
We must see how from now on a government that was born with a conscience political weakness.
Freed from the cold poll results, it all started with a president who took longer than expected sit in your office.
Lula was forced to devote a good deal of government energy to it fix institutional damage which he had just inherited and the violent coup attempt a few days after taking office.
direct result of a polarized society to the extreme and by this new political player who emerged with the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff in 2016.
Bolsonarismo, a political scheme supported by two pillars, the military and the Protestant churchboth with significant stakes in power and determined to build a Brazilian-style Trumpism.
The violent events earlier in the year forced the President and his team to rebuild controls in the US Armed Forces and to rebuild the relationship of some sectors of the executive branch with society.
In these first few weeks, his image as the savior of democracy – a task that is not yet complete – has been strengthened, but for some analysts, such as Denilde Woodcuttera political scientist from the ESPM marketing school, Lula “didn’t know how to capitalize on this moment of strong support in Congress, mostly from the most conservative sectors.”
And it really is sense of unity it took less than an ice cream at a school door.
The desire to articulate some of the measures he announced in the campaign, such as lowering the interest rate to ease the situation of those earning more than two minimum wages and increasing the number of Brazilians exempt from paying income tax, was expressed by hindered central bank.
Mainly by the president of the entity, Roberto Campos NetoEveryone points to it as Bolsonaro’s sword in a strategic office, and Lula has not shied away from criticism or direct accusations of sabotage of the economic plan being steered by his minister Fernando Haddad.
Once he got rid of the attempted coup, he revived his presidential course’s star programs, the Bolsa Família and My House, My Life, along with other social plans to address the US situation most vulnerable sectors of society.
There was the personal touch to his political conception, but it wasn’t easy either. Every measure, every project, every law, the executive is obliged to: a lengthy negotiations with the opposition moderate and this usually causes some bruising.
On these two fronts, the government showed the greatest problems in the first three months and ten days.
For the also political scientists Carlo Melo “The task for the President will not be easy. There is historical resistance from the middle class. Mainly because it preserves values and a vision of the world that the PT (Labor Party) does not fully understand, often demonizing the middle class and confusing them with the elite.
And this look is more likely to affect the president, who had already had an affair during the election campaign real nonsense when he said that the middle class had a standard of living unmatched anywhere in the world. And as already known: Everything is saved.
However, upon his return from China, one visit that the Planalto was vital to was the Minister Haddad He has prepared a project to be submitted to Parliament that aims to reduce interest rates and credit card spending, along with a review of public spending for the next year as they anticipate the end of Campos Neto’s term in December 2024 in Headquarters can wait and propose his current Deputy Minister Gabriel Galípolo as a replacement.
In its most intimate sphere, Lula and his team believe they must attend to the demands of a segment of society that earns the equivalent of up to five minimum wages, not just for to ensure peace within the Alliance that keeps him in power, but also to be able to meet the expectations generated.
But achieving this goal depends not only on the government, but also on the opposition, which takes every initiative into account, which makes them suffer more than necessary.
Before leaving for China, the head of state could not hide his uneasiness about the 100 days, saying that from now on “that is in the past” and he hoped “that we will accommodate the country”.
A sentence that, coming from the figure, looks modest, smells like it unfinished task but at the same time it seems to contain all the troubles that await him in a very complex situation.
The highlights of his management so far are on the outside front. He aspired to bring the country back onto the international stage.
With his announcement, he once again attracted the attention of the neighborhood Re-enter UNASUR – a forum that is increasingly nominal than effective – a wink to the troops that everything is back and the idea of a country club negotiating peace between Russia and Ukraine outside of the nations and its Security Council was taken very seriously .
This project and mutual need Strengthening a trade alliance with Chinaalready successful in itself, it will be available in China by the end of the week.
In 2022, the bilateral balance between the two countries was $152,800 million, with a surplus for the South American country of $62,000 billion, while investments from Chinese companies in Brazil exceed 70 billion.
A more than optimal scenario to wake up an economy that is forecast would stagnate throughout the year.
So the record could be called optimal considering where Brazil was at the end of 2022.
With an economy artificially boosted by the cash injection made possible by the outgoing president, Jair Bolsonarobefore the elections and plunged into institutional disarray that eventually paved the way for Lula’s return.
Another Lula, true to his original union pragmatism, who, as you can see, is suffering the inconvenience of 100 days, but much more the inconvenience of having to govern on the right in more moderate ways than he was used to and in lean times.
- Jose Vales He is an Argentine writer and journalist.