“The second round challenges the PT’s ability to reorganize and the understanding of the political strength of evangelical voters,” writes Moisés Mendes
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Moises Mendes, for the 247th
Some easy conclusions on the Round 1 result and what may be to come as Brazil takes a deep breath and tries to understand what happened on Sunday.
Lula may have sealed a deal with history, with his own trajectory, and with the country’s fortunes so that he can beat Bolsonaro in a headtohead Bolsonaro confrontation.
But this second round with the competitive subject puts the structures of democracy to the test. This was an election with its own characteristics, never recorded before.
And things are only getting worse, with a greater spread of fear and risks of violence, in addition to the increase in mass dissemination of fake news and suspicions about the electoral system.
Bolsonarismo managed to camouflage its electorate until the election, and the theory that the farright voice was embarrassed and failed to fully show up in the polls is confirmed.
The reversal of expectations is causing some selfesteem shock not only to the PT but also to the left, who have less than a month to reorganize support, bases and strategies.
The second round will take place with suspicious research institutes, which is terrible for democracy.
Up until last week, we could tell Bolsonaro was unlikely to repeat the same support he had in 2018 in 2022 because he has alienated a section of the middle class by radicalizing speech and attitudes. The rejection isn’t as great as it seems.
The campaigning of the extreme right leading up to the October 30 elections could create an unprecedented environment in the country, with the strengthening of contingents who did not expect this feat from Bolsonaro, including the armamentists.
Lula will have to capitalize on the support he received in the first round, some belatedly, well beyond declarations from celebrities and pledges from chiefs.
The second round questions the PT’s ability to reorganize and the left’s underestimated understanding of the political strength of evangelical voters.
Bolsonaro will need to seek a new calibration for his language and attitude lest he make the mistake of being too radical.
The priest’s friend has one month to use and abuse the government machinery and multiply what he has been blatantly doing since the campaign began with no penalty.
With the scenario unfolding on Sunday, the middle class that supported Bolsonaro (and which many people define as the new right) can convince itself that it does not have to look for alternatives to fascism, even if it supports the ideas of fascism subordinately, the family remains in power.
Get ready for great emotions because the Ferris wheel has stopped at the top with all of us, and no one knows exactly who is steering the machine anymore.
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This article does not represent the opinion of Brasil 247 and is the responsibility of the columnist.
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