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The wave of anti-government protests that has rocked Iran for nearly five months began in the Kurdish western city of Saqqez. Faced with a brutal and escalating crackdown, protesters began to use force to combat violence – targeting security guards in their homes, setting traps for police officers on motorcycles and preparing Molotov cocktails.
Saqqez holds special significance in Iran as the hometown of Mahsa Amini, whose death in custody on September 16 sparked nationwide demonstrations.
“This city will truly go down in history as the birthplace of this movement,” said Hadi Ghaemi, executive director of the Center for Human Rights in Iran, a New York-based advocacy group.
But the city is also a frontrunner, experts say, offering a possible glimpse into the future of the movement. As protesters there despaired at the lack of progress and mourned the loss of their compatriots – who were killed or seriously wounded by security forces or languished in prison – some turned to violence, suggesting the next phase of the demonstrations could be even deadlier.
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This story is based on telephone interviews with four Saqqez residents, who spoke on condition of anonymity for their own safety. The Washington Post has not been able to independently corroborate their reports, but their stories have been corroborated by local activists and cross-checked with findings from human rights groups.
Amini’s funeral on September 17 sparked the country’s first major protest, a spontaneous outburst of anger and frustration in this long-marginalized region. The crowd of mourners marched four miles from the cemetery to the community building at Qods Square in the center of town. Special police units were waiting for them, local residents said.
As the crowds grew, protesters began chanting “Death to Jash,” a term meaning donkey in Kurdish, a reference to Kurdish security forces working for the government. Officers came out of the building and tried to persuade the crowd to disperse, but no one was in the mood to go home.
Some protesters began throwing rocks at police and chanting more controversial slogans, including “Death Khamenei,” a nod to Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the country’s highest authority. Police responded by opening fire with metal balls, eyewitnesses said.
“People scattered in all directions,” said a 35-year-old resident of Saqqez. “I saw a guy get shot in the eye. Then they started shooting tear gas.” Another man, 45, said he saw dozens of people injured in the first salvos officers fired at the crowd.
Clashes between protesters and security forces continued throughout the day. The tone was set.
Across Iran, more than 500 people have been killed and nearly 20,000 arrested since the protests began, human rights group Hrana estimates, although reporting restrictions make it impossible to pinpoint exact numbers.
“The regime’s Pavlovian response to any protest is to nip it in the bud to prevent it from growing. But his violence has fueled, not quenched, public anger,” said Ali Vaez, Iran Project Manager at the International Crisis Group.
According to several residents, reinforcements – plainclothes forces and members of the powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) – were called to Saqqez to make arrests. Security forces searched hospitals and clinics for wounded demonstrators and then located doctors or nurses who had treated them.
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“The hospitals became the center for arresting protesters,” said a 27-year-old resident who was shot in the back with dozens of bullets on the fourth day of the protests. “You couldn’t get medical treatment.”
Unable to get proper treatment, the man turned to YouTube to look for videos on how to remove pellets. family members helped. If a pellet was close to the skin’s surface, it could usually be pushed out, he said; those embedded deeper had to be dug up with forceps or a needle, risking infection.
Channels on the Telegram app popped up to help protesters. One by the name of Nisthmani Joan, who has more than 250,000 subscribers, was particularly influential, residents say. The channel published calls for protests, telling people where and when to gather, as well as tips on what type of clothing and protective gear to wear.
A pattern of nightly protests and violent crackdowns lasted two months until 17-year-old Daniyal Pabandi was killed by security forces on November 16. He was shot in the stomach from a car at point-blank range, according to Kurdish human rights group Hengaw.
That was the moment, local residents say, when some groups among the protesters decided to take direct action against the security forces. A week after Pabandi’s death, Shaho Shira, a member of the IRGC, was killed in Saqqez by “anonymous assailants,” Hengaw reported.
Local Kurds working with security forces were an easy target as the protesters knew where they lived and in some cases had known them for years. Several of their homes were hit with Molotov cocktails to send a message, local residents said.
“We burned down their shops. We burned their cars. We harassed their wives and children,” said the 27-year-old, who said there were four or five Kurdish security guards in his neighborhood. “They left the neighborhood and ended their role in the crackdown.”
According to the 35-year-old, forces that were brought in from outside of Saqqez, such as the special police units, were not spared. Metal wires were dragged across roads commonly used by police, who often ride with two officers on a motorcycle, to overturn them at high speed.
Authorities stepped up arrests in the city and reports of torture in detention surfaced. A 34-year-old said one of his arrested friends was never the same after he was released from custody. He did not eat or talk much and could not sit comfortably.
Another friend who was arrested said his feet were stuck in a bucket of water and electrical cords were inserted. “His feet were so swollen he couldn’t walk,” the man said.
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The judiciary also intervened to punish demonstrators and their families. The bail sums were set so high that only a few families could afford them. Title deeds were accepted in lieu of cash, residents say.
“All land deeds and deeds for business are in the Saqqez courthouse,” the 27-year-old resident said. “We took two certificates from our family and another certificate from a friend.”
Protests have slowed in recent weeks, but the people of Saqqez are preparing for the next confrontation. The roots of their anger have not been addressed by the government.
A close relative of Amini, who asked not to be identified for security reasons, said in a phone interview with Saqqez that there had been no progress in her case. When asked if it was possible for those responsible for her death to be brought to justice, the relative replied: “In the Islamic Republic, of course, no.”
Demonstrators in Saqqez say they have gained valuable experience over the past few months. Empty soda bottles and gas canisters are stored for use in making Molotov cocktails, the 27-year-old resident said. Old tires are saved so they can be burned to block roads.
“We are ready for the next meeting,” said the 27-year-old. “All it takes is a spark.”