On December 13, 2018, when the Defense Committees of the Republic (CDR) called for a “struggle” to the boycott of the Council of Ministers, which was due to take place a week later in Barcelona, a new investigation was launched before the National Supreme Court entitled “Terrorism”. The Central Educational Court 6, headed by Magistrate Manuel García-Castellón, who followed in the footsteps of these groups born in Catalonia at the start of the illegal referendum of October 1, 2017 and who have already been involved in violent incidents – roadblocks or the attempt to to break into parliament – he received a report from the Guardia Civil. This document warned of the existence of an unknown entity called “Catalan CNI” that was directly “linked” to the regional administration. Thus began some new investigations, which have remained classified for four years, and which have included the search for links between these “subversive” groups and the highest political authorities in the pro-independence movement, such as then-President Quim Torra and his predecessor Carles Puigdemont.
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The content of this investigation, the details of which have come to light in recent weeks, has revived the accusations against the two former Catalan presidents of allegedly protecting – from the institution of the Generalitat – these groups, which the armed institution defines as “violent”. . . The summary speaks of collusion and direct contacts, although no formal charges against Torra and Puigdemont are currently known. His environment frames these investigations with an alleged campaign to “criminalize” the independence movement. Gonzalo Boye, attorney for the two former presidents, explained in an article that “nothing is described [en este sumario] it has the slightest criminal appearance” and accused the Civil Guard of “constant misrepresentation of facts and words”.
The germ of the cause. This summary, which includes dozens of phone taps or the installation of spyware on suspects’ cellphones, all approved by the judge, is based on the original thesis that the Torra administration – who took office in May 2018 after a long career as a professional came – independence activism and a history of anti-Spanish writings – backed the self-proclaimed Catalan CNI, which the armed institute said was under scrutiny for “planning subversive and violent actions” to collapse the state. This body was intended to provide the “necessary logistical infrastructure” to occupy and “defend” Parliament, an action that would be carried out by the Tactical Response Team (ERT), a radical cell already prosecuted in another terrorism case being pursued and accused of attempting to make explosives.
Guardia Civil investigators explained to the judge that the Catalan CNI is made up of businessmen, members of the CDR, Mossos or local police officers with links to secessionism. But also that he had contacts in the highest spheres.
This is made clear by the first relevant report to the Court of Justice, which already refers to the head of the Generalitat at the time. The Civil Guard assures in this document that, thanks to telephone calls to investigators, “it became known” that Torra was “secretly” on 9 members of the CDR, including Roger Cumeras, whom the agents also identify as a member of the Catalan CNI. In making that appointment, according to the Armed Institute, the political leader gave them “specific directions and guidelines”: for example, that something “powerful” should be done on the first anniversary of the 1-O referendum, which was to be held a few weeks afterward; and urged them, according to investigators, to set up a “candle” that would allow them to control community territory in the event of a new declaration of independence.
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At that time there was enormous tension in Catalonia. The security forces dragged out and failed to prevent the failure of the illegal consultation celebration on October 1, 2017, which led to police complaints against citizens stationed in the schools to prevent the police from confiscating the ballot boxes. With several political leaders of the procés imprisoned and others fleeing Spain, Torra aggravated the conflict with the Generalitat: “You are pushing and you are doing well to push,” the president told a group of CDR on the first anniversary of April 1. October.
Four lines of action. Against this backdrop, already focused on alleged sedition and rebellion, members of the Guardia Civil quickly expanded their investigations beyond the Catalan CNI. In their reports, they describe the existence of a large group of suspects acting under the “proactive, interested and forgiving” collaboration of “Catalan administrative and governmental authorities” with the aim of “planning and promoting major projects” in order to “influence take” to “achieve self-determination”. According to the abstract, it is a kind of alliance where they refer to members of other platforms and organizations – like the Catalan National Assembly (ANC) or groups from the public, business and student sectors -; and that they also have the impulse of the Procés politicians who fled to Belgium.
They all then wanted, according to the Civil Guard, “to launch various undoubtedly subversive strategies, some with obvious insurgent traits”. And four lines of action were presumably marked: promoting “a policy of institutional deadlock with the intention of provoking a situation of instability affecting the state”; the creation of structures that will allow the creation of a “digital Catalan Republic”; the establishment of delegations of the Consell per la República in the various municipalities and counties; and the implementation of the Escuts per la República, a group of people skilled in security matters – like Mossos and City Guards – who “had real capacity to deploy quickly and effectively” to “control the territory” if necessary.
Judge García-Castellón also had an influence on this thesis, which calls for “the consensus, cooperation, consultation and constant exploitation and interference of the highest Catalan political and institutional spheres, which tend towards and promote independence”, “with the aim of control reliably accredited”. and to modulate the global movement of the process undertaken to achieve Catalan independence and the establishment of a republic”.
The hints. The Civil Guard develops its thesis on the contacts that the people examined had with Torra, Puigdemont and its surroundings. Among other clues, the agents highlight, for example, the meeting of one of the suspects, Ramir de Porrata (described as the ideologue of the strategy of “permanent confrontation with the state”) with Elsa Artadi, adviser to the Torra Presidency. The synopsis also reveals that Jaume Cabaní, an engineer who co-led a company (CatGlobal) set up in Belgium to raise funds to help meet the expenses of the former president and fleeing former councillors, presented the tickets two computer scientists who came to Brussels to advise on the design of the digital platform Consell per la República Catalan. And cell phone conversations with members of the hard core of Waterloo (Belgium), such as the fled former city councilor Toni Comín, are also reflected.
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