Lawmakers on Capitol Hill have repeatedly outpaced the Biden administration by calling for an escalation in the US response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, proposals that the White House ultimately accepted.
But they may be about to hit the limits of their fruitful pressure campaigns.
This week, the House of Representatives will vote on legislation to remove Russia’s customary trading status, just days after the approval of the ban on Russian oil imports that the Biden administration initially opposed.
And Biden is set to sign a massive government funding package that includes $13.6 billion in humanitarian and military aid to Ukraine, a figure that has increased from the administration’s original request of $6.4 billion a few weeks ago.
But the tools available to the administration are rapidly dwindling, and the list of strategies lawmakers are now championing includes several tactics — no-fly zones, direct weapons delivery, and aid — that Biden has unequivocally ruled out.
These administrative redlines have highlighted the difficulties of confronting a global nuclear power controlled by an unpredictable leader, Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin Gas prices reached a new record of 0.43 per gallon, up 79 cents in two weeks. Russian prosecutors warn Western firms of arrests and confiscation of assets. He doesn’t seem to be dissuaded by the global backlash against him.
They also showed the limitations of Congress in determining America’s role in Ukraine’s defense efforts, even as voter sentiment across the country is putting increasing pressure on Washington politicians to intervene more aggressively.
The Biden administration argues it needs to coordinate with European allies to present a united front against Russia, meaning the US has at times been slower than lawmakers would like.
Speaking before the Democratic House of Representatives Friday in Philadelphia, where the group is meeting for its annual strategy conference, Biden acknowledged the public’s frustration watching Putin’s atrocities unfold on cable news and social media.
Biden said the US response to Russian militancy has at times been slower and less aggressive than he would have liked. But it is better to go slower with allies, he argued, than to rush forward alone.
“Guys, I know I’ve frustrated you sometimes, but more important than the fact that we move when we want to is to make sure that the whole of NATO is united,” he said. “They have different vulnerabilities than we do.”
As an example, the president cited his recent decision to ban Russian fuel. He stressed that the move was made because the United States receives only a small percentage of its oil and gas from Russia, while many European countries are much more dependent on Russian energy resources. Given this geopolitical discrepancy, Biden said he delayed announcing the US ban until he assured European leaders they were not expected to do the same.
“It took me a long time to sit with my colleagues and say, ‘Look, we’re going to block oil, but I’m not going to ask you about it,'” Biden said.
Biden also sought to chill the idea that the US should take a more hands-on approach when it comes to bolstering Kyiv’s defenses, either by securing a no-fly zone over Ukraine or by delivering weapons directly.
These proposals find support among bipartisan lawmakers on Capitol Hill, but the president vehemently opposes them, warning with some impatience that such a strategy would inevitably entail clashes between Russian and American forces – and unleash World War III in the process.
“The idea that we are going to send offensive equipment, as well as planes, tanks and trains with American pilots and American crews, just understand – and don’t be fooled by whatever you say – this is called a world war. III, okay? he told House Democrats. Let’s get right here guys.
A growing debate over the potential delivery of dozens of Russian-made MiG-29 fighter jets from Poland to Ukraine. Leaders in Warsaw proposed such a transfer with the idea that the US would fill a void in Poland’s air defense system with US aircraft. But fearing a direct conflict with Putin, Polish leaders want the planes to fly through US military bases in Germany, a tactic rejected by the Pentagon.
Some military experts also warn that the aging aircraft will not be able to match the more modern Russian fighter jets and air defense systems, in what would essentially be a suicide operation for the Ukrainian pilots tasked with running it. However, pressure is mounting on Capitol Hill to seal the deal.
“It’s difficult, but I think the consensus … is that we want to get these planes to Poland,” said House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer.
Steny Hamilton Hoyer Capitol marks two years since it closed to the public due to COVID-19 Democrats are strategizing to defy expectations, limit medium-term losses MORE (D-Md.) told reporters Friday in Philadelphia.
Rep. Gregory Meeks
Gregory Weldon MeeksUkrainian siege horrifies lawmakers, rallied and feeling helpless House of Representatives passes resolution in support of Ukraine; Three Republicans voted no. Republicans in the Senate must end the bloc of highly qualified Federal Reserve candidates. aircraft coordination has already been done. Now he says he is “looking for alternative ways.”
“Either the Poles change their mind and we do it as originally planned,” Meeks said. “Or we’ll give them other resources.”
As the debate develops, conditions on the ground continue to deteriorate in Ukraine, where hundreds of civilians have been killed and nearly 3 million have fled to neighboring countries. The atrocities have prompted lawmakers to step up efforts to protect armed Ukrainians from Putin’s attacks, which are increasingly targeting civilian areas.
Rep. James Clyburn (SC), a majority supporter, was among the many Democrats who visited Selma, Alabama, this month to remember the bloody 1965 voting rights march. He said that talk of violence in Ukraine was everywhere.
“I was absolutely amazed when one after another came up to me and said:“ We are all for the right to vote, but if you don’t do something to end this war, there will be nothing to vote for, ”Clyburn said. “That’s how deep it goes.”
Lawmakers are likely to receive direct calls from the Ukrainian government to do more in the coming days.
Speaker Nancy Pelosi
Nancy PelosiDemocrats divided over proposal to suspend federal gas tax Five things to know about $0.5 trillion spending bill just passed by Congress Far-left and far-right find common ground against US interventionism MORE (State of California) and Senate Majority Leader Charles Schumer
Chuck Schumer Senate Democrats are “deeply disappointed” by the Biden administration’s decision to keep Trump-era rule. President Volodymyr Zelensky will deliver a virtual address to congressmen on Wednesday morning.
“Congress remains unwavering in our commitment to stand by Ukraine as it faces Putin’s brutal and diabolical aggression and pass legislation to harm and isolate Ukraine.
Russian economy, as well as provide Ukraine with humanitarian, security and economic assistance,” Pelosi and Schumer said in a joint statement.